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VOLUME TEN : 1983 





Presidential Address ^ JAGANNATH AGRAWAL ... 

Tembhurni Plates of Vikramaditya 

(Second Set) 


...H, S. THOSAR 

A. A. HINGMIRE... 10 

Two Jatavarman Sundara Pandyas of Accession 1303 and 1304 A.D., 


Blrindhon Plates of Rashtrakuta Kakkaraja 


A Fragmentary Dedicatory inscription of Purnarakshita 


Notes on Sugrihita-Naman 

/ ...S. P, TEWARI, MYSORE... 41 

A Note on Kandulavu or Crown Lands 


Note on Tembhurni Plates of Vikramaditya 

...K. G. KRISHNAN, MYSORE... 61 

The First Inscription of the Chalukya Vikrarna Era From Hampi 


Udvahanathasvami Temple Inscriptions-A Study 


Mathnra Inscription of Huvishka, Year 50 


Kasi and Karnatafca 


'Three Chalukya Inscriptions from Rachanapalle 

...M. D. SAMPATH, MYSORE... 75 

A Statistical Analysis of Pairs of Indus Signs with Jar or Lance 



Bagh Hoard of Copper Plate Inscriptions 

...S. K. BAJPAI, INDORE... 86 

The Royal Seals of the Andhra Dynasties 



From Gorakhpur to Aurangabad 

From the ninth Congress at Gorakhpur 
(24 March, 1983) to the tenth Congress 
at Aurangabad (9-11 March, 1984), the 
Epigraphical Society of India takes one 
more step forward in its path of progress. 
With this Congress, the Society completes 
ten years of its existence, usefully, we 
believe. During these ten years, it has, in 
its own humble way, tried to build up a 
fraternity of Edigraphists, by bringing clo- 
ser senior scholars and younger researchers 
in the .field, through its sessions held in 
different parts of the country. 

The present session at Aurangabad has 
its own significance. The whole of the 
Marathawada region abounds in epigraphs 
of different periods and different languages 
providing a wide scope for their stu'dy. We 
hope that this Congress will serve as an 
impetus for furthering epigraph ical studies 
in this region. The proposed symposium 
on the inscriptions of Marathawada region 
as a part of the Congress and holding a 
session at Eliora itself, are indeed an added 
attraction of the Congress. 

We heartily welcome our accredticd 
members to this tenth Congress. 
Seminars Bearing on Epigraphy 

Last year we drew the attention of 
our members through these columns to 
the National Seminar on Kadambas which 
was held at Banavasi, the erstwhile capi- 
tal of those rulers. It was a seminar 
exclusively devoted for the study of all 

aspects of the history of a single dynasty. 
Only recently, towards the end of January 
this year, a similar seminar was organised 
on the Vakatakas by the Department of 
Ancient Indian History, Culture and 
Archaeology of the Nagpur University, 
Nagpur. Needless to say that such semi- 
nars provide fresh scope for intensive 
study of a particular period and bring 
to light much new material useful for 

In the 31st International Congress of 
Human Science in Asia and North Africa 
held in Tokyo and Kyoto, Japan, between 
31st August and 7th September, 1983, 
one of the seminars was exclusively devoted 
for south and South East Asian Epigraphy. 
There were three sessions of which one 
dealt with Indus Script Studies and the 
other two on South Asian Epigraphy and 
South East Asian Epigraphy, respectively. 
A Noticeable feature of this seminar was 
the participation of Indian scholars in 
fairly big numbers and presentation of 
papers on Indian Epigraphy. We note 
with pleasure that the privilege of presenting 
the keynote address in one of the sessions 
fell on our former Secretary, Dr. K. V. 

We hear that in the middle of 1983, 
a seminar on Indus script was held at 
the Tamil University, Tanjore. We also 
learn that the Sanskrit Department of 
Delhi University is organising a seminar 
on 'India in inscriptions/ towards the 
end of next month. The subject is indeed 
fascinating and, we hope, the outcome of 

the seminar also will be equally fascinating 
and fruitful. We refer here to yet another 
seminar on Buddhism in South India 
organised by the Mythic Society, Bangalore, 
in December 1983. The seminar covered 
a wide range of topics and Epigraphy 
naturally figured largely therein. 

We congratulate the organisers and 
participants in these seminars, which have 
contributed considerably for Epigraphical 

Our Members 

We are happy to report that there 
has been a steady rise in the enrolment 
of the society and this year particularly, 
quite a few scholars and institutions have 
enrolled themselves as life members. We 
appreciate their generous gesture and thank 
them for their support and encourage- 

The Journal 

This is the 10th volume of the 
Journal of the Society that we are 
publishing now. We are happy that we 
are able to maintain regularity in bringing 
out these issues every year at the time 
of the inaugural of the Congress. This 
has been made possible by the coopera- 
tion of the learned scholars who present 
their papers at the annual sessions, and 
the enlightened members who renew their 
memberships regularly. We offer our 
heart-felt thanks to all of them. 

We would specially mention here that 
the publication of the Journal has been 
rendered possible, by the munificent grant 
of the Indian Council of Historical 
Research, New Delhi. This august body 
has stood by us all these years and we 
are confident that it will continue to 
support us in this endeavour. We place 

here on record our deep sense of 
appretiation and graditude to the autho- 
rities of the Council. 
Our Condolences 

We deeply regret the sudden and sac 
demise of one of our seniormost scholars 
in the field of Indian History, Epigraphj 
and Archaeology, Dr. T. V. Mahal ingam 
former Professor and Head of th( 
Department of Ancient History anc 
Archaeology of the Madras University 
Dr, Mahalingam was an Honorary Fullov 
of the Society and he presided over tin 
third Congress of the Society held a 
Udipi in 1976. Dr. Mahalingam wa 
associated with the Society ever sine 
its inception and, in him, the society ha 
lost one of its well-wishers and benc 
factors. We pay homage to this savan 
who has enriched our knowledge of Sout 
Indian History and Culture through hi 
numerous contributions. 

Our thanks 

As usual, the responsibility of prinlin 

this volume, has been shouldered willingl 
by our friends at Mysore, Dr. K.V. Ramcsl 
Chief Epigraphist and his able associate 
Dr. Subramonia Iyer, who as Editor lit 
borne the brunt of the burden, Shri M. Jay; 
ramaSharma and Dr. Venkaiesh. We off* 
our sincere thanks to them We are hapji 
to congratulate Dr. Venkatesh who is all- 
the Assistant Secretary of the Sociel 
on his getting the Ph.D. degree of tl 
Mysore University. 

Our sincere thanks arc due to Sh 
S. K. Lakshminarayan of the Vidyasag; 
Printing and Publishing House, Mysore an 
his enthusiastic assistant, Shri R. Vcnkalci 
for their neat printing of the volume, 

Shrinivas Ritti 

Secretary and Executive Editor 


Padmasri Dr, T. V. MAHALINGAM, M,A.,D.Litt 



" f ' Fellow Delegates; Ladies and Gentle- 
men; I 'am deeply beholden to the friends 
$tfd have elevated me to the Presidential 
chair, more perhaps out of consideration 
tf my age than for any outstanding con- 
tribution to the subject of Epigraphy, I 
have been primarily a teacher of the subject 
f$r more than four decades and have got 
a,, number of distinguished pupils as Uni- 
versity professors, Archaeologists and even 
members of the Indian Administrative 
Service, who are interested in Indological 
studies. Whatever might have prompted 
you to do me this great honour, I feel 
overwhelmed by your affectionate generosity. 

It is with a feeling of pleasure that 
I look back on the year that has passed 
since 1 the Society met last time. This 
year has seen some outstanding publica-" 
tions in Epigraphy, which .all of us must . 
have welcomed with great joy viz. The 
publication of the Corpus Inscriptioaum 
Indicaram Volume III-The Inscriptions of 
the Early Gupta Kings. It is not merely 
a revised edition of J. F. Fleet's work, 
but a thoroughly recast, augmented and 
much improved learned production. There 
had been many new discoveries of the 
Gupta inscriptions since 1888. These had 
to be added to the new volume, which 
even otherwise needed revision as shown 
by the observations of Sir Rama Krishna 
Gopal Bhandarkar and Dr. Franz Kielliorn. 
At the suggestion of Professor D. R. 

* Delivered at the -IXth Annual Congress of the 
on 2nd, 3rd and 4th March 1983, 

Professor Jsgannath Agrawal 

Bhandarkar, the Government of India 
sanctioned in January 1935, the proposal 
for a revised edition of the Gupta Ins- 
criptions and entrusted its preparation to 
the veteran archaeologist and historian 
Professor D. R. Bhandarkar, who took up 
the work in right earnest. But he had 
hardly collected the necessary material., 
viz, fresh estampages of the inscriptions, 
notes etc, when an- unexpected hurdle 
came in. the way. The second World War 
broke out in 1939, and even Calcutta was 
bombed in 1942. As a result all the 
material had to be removed to a place 
of safety. Dr. Bhandarkar could resume 
his work only after the end of the war. 
Although he had reached the age of 70, 
he actively devoted himself to the revision 
of this volume and to the writing of a 
historical introduction. By 1949 he had 
prepared the first draft which he wanted 
to revise and prepared the press-copy, 
but fate had willed otherwise .and to the 
great regret of us all, the great savant 
passed away in May 1950, without bring- 
ing to completion his labours of 15 
precious year of his life. 

After the sad demise of Dr. D. R. 
Bhandarkar, the Government of India 
entrusted the task of preparing the press- 
copy to Dr. Bahadur Chand Chhabra, then 
Government Epigraphist. As there had been 
many discoveries of the inscriptions of the 
Gupta history, Dr. Chhabra considered it 

Epigraphical Society of India held at Gorafchpur 

season, ths fortnig'it of tfo season, as was 
the system followed in the inscriptions of 
the Satavahanas, the Kushanas and the 
Maghas. The details of the date in the 
Mandhal plates are, l2th day in the seventh 
fortnight of summer in the 2nd year; and 
the first day of the first fortnight of summer 
in the 10th year, respectively. 

In the second of these, grants, which 
is dated in the 10th year of Prithvlshena, 
there is the intriguing reading purv-adhigata- 
gui}avGddayadapdhrita i - va(vaih)&a - iriya[fr*]. 
In the corresponding portion of the 
Balaghat 'plates of Prithvishena this had 
been read by Kie'lhorn as purv-adhigata- ' 
guna-viMsad^apahrita-vaitiSa-triyah. This 
reading has beeri accepted by Prof. Mirashi, 

who has translated it as follows : 

"V/ho i from confidence in the exce- 

llent^qualities previously acquired by 
him,, took away the (royal) fortune 
of ,(his) family". 

Prof. Kielhorn was not quite sure about 
this reading, and had even noted that the 
third letter in the line 27 of the Balaghat 
plates was ya ; but still he missed the 
true reading. The late Dr. Kashi Prasad 
Jayaswal had occasion to examine the text 
of the BalSghat plates and on this parti- 
cular passage he made the following 
observation : 

"Kielhorn read with doubts vitvasat. 
I think what was intended was viieshdt, 
An expression like gun.a-vi&vasfit will be 
meaningless in Sanskrit Guna must be 
present and 'here it had already come 
from culture. No question of "confidence 

It was an entirely valid objection 
which Dr. Jayaswal had raised regarding the 



reading hesilatingly adopted by Prof. Kiel-- 
horn. Fortynine years back while examining 
the original copper plates, preserved in the 
Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta, on 29 lh' 
-August 1934, 1 had in mine!' both the points' 
of view of Prof. Kielhorn and Dr. Jayaswal. 
I found that Prof, Kielhorn had rightly 5 
pointed out that the third letter in line' 
27 of the Balaghat plates was ya, a'nd the' 
first letter was gu and not vi. So .the first. 
part had to be read as purv-adhigata-gui}-' 
ati&ayad, It further appeared to me that' 
the engraver had left out the medial ' 
attached to the letter da inadvertantly, and' 
had to be supplied. The intended corre'ct' 
reading therefore was purv-adhigata-gun- 
ati!iayad-upabrita-van!ta-&riyafy, which may, 
be rendered as "to whom the family for- 1 
tune was voluntarily offered on account of 
the exuberance of his virtues". Thus there 
is absolutely no room for the' suggestion 
that there was' a dispute regarding jjicr 
succession and Narendrasena had forcibly 
occupied the throne. The expression' 
upahfita-van&a-Sriyafr is simply a poetic way' 
of saying that by virtue of the excess of 
his good qualities he was eminently worthy 
of occupying the throne after his father' 
Pravarasena II, We have such expressions- 
in the Gupta inscriptions as Lakshmlfr 
svayam yam varayaftchakara or svayaihvaray* 
=eva rajalakshmy=ddhigatah etc. 

' The legend on the seal of this grant 
also has interesting historical significance. 
It runs thus : 

Prithvisheiia-nripater = jiglshor - jaya- 

sasanam H 

It is to be noted that Prithvishena 
has been called as 'having the desire for 


conquest' and his charter is 'a charter 
of victory -jaya&fr ana'. This is very well 
confirmed by the statement in line 33 of 
the Balaghat plates, whercPrithvishena is 
described as the rescuer of his dynasty 
which had sunk low (nimagnavathlsa and 
not dvimagna as given in the original by 
mistake). It clearly shows that Prithvi- 
shena had defeated some of the powerful 
enemies of the Vakatakas who in all 
probability were the Nalas, wh'o under 
their ruler Bhayadattavarman had seized 
a ; part of the Vakataka territory including 
Nandivardhana. It was these victories which 
brought about the change of wording in 
the Vakataka royal seal, which now was 
literally a jayatasana. 

Two more inscriptions have been brou- 
ght to light by Dr. Silk Ram of the Depart- 
ment of History of the Maharshi Dayanand 
University, Rohtak. One of these which 
was noticed as early as 1970, is engraved in 
beautiful characters on a stone slab mea- 
suring 3'x2'. Unfortunately no details 
about its contents are known as it was 
taken away by Shri L K. Srinivasan of the 
Archaeological Survey of India, Dehradun 
Circle, from Shri Lila Dhar Dukhi of 
village Jodhkan, with whom Dr. Silk Ram 
had left it. According to Dr. Silk Ram, 
it was a record belonging to the Pratihara 
period.* The second inscription is said to 
belong to the Gupta period. 

1 may here, invite your attention to an 
inscription on a stone slab preserved in the 
Nalanda Museum of Archaeology. I have 
not been able to get neither an estampage, 
nor even an account of it from the Cura- 
tor to whom I wrote a year ago. I had 
occasion to notice it when I went to 

Nalanda in December 1981. According 
to the label put along with the inscription 
it was said to belong to Purijavarman, 
There is one king of this name mentioned 
fey Hiuen Tsang. However, the identity 
could be established only after a study of 
the text, which has not been published so 

Apart from new discoveries, the work 
of re-examining the published inscriptions ^ 
is no less rewarding. Kindly permit me 
to request you to share with me some of 
my own experience in this field. In line 
15 of the Bhitari Stone pillar inscription 
of Skandagupta, Dr. Fleet had read the last 
pada of verse 7, as follows : gitai&~cha 
stutibh:$=cha vandaka-jano yam prapayaty- 
aryyatam u and had translated it as follsws : 

"Whom the bards raise to distinction 
with (their) songs and praises". While 
teaching this inscription to my post-graduate 
class, I felt that there is some mistake 
somewhere, as it does not sound proper 
that it should be the panegyrics ' of the 
bards which raised Skandagupta , to dis- 
tinction. Moreover, I felt that 'distinction' 
was not a happy and proper rendering of 
aryyala which means nobility. In order 
to find out the correct reading I had to 
make three trips from Lahore to Biiitarj 
and it was at the third attempt that i the 
inscription yielded its secret, I found that 
what had been read as pra was, really 
hre and the verb was a hrSpayatl and 
not hrapayati. With the new reading, this 
pada means, "whom his nobleness causes 
to blush, by means of i. e. on hearing the 
songs and panegyrics of the royal bards". 
It is the ideal Indian conduct, It has been 
well said ; 


gwiSdhyasya satati pumsah stutau .lajj=aiva 

bhushanam I 

"Of the nobleman who is ricli in virtues, 
modesty is indeed an ornament during a 
recital of his praise". Kalidasa has twice 
mentioned this admirable trait of character 
of his heroes, In Raghuvamla, canto, 
XXII, 73, he says, &thuyamannh sa jihraya 
stlwtyam=eva samacharan "he who always 
performed only what was worthy of prai- 
ses felt bashful, while he was eulogished". 

A'niin in canto XVIII, 17 fCalidasa 


writes : 

jit=nri-paksho=pi Mimukhair=yah tali- 

"Although he had conquered the ranks of 
his enemies, he became bashful when 
praised by the royal bards". 

It is in this spirit that the writer of 
the Bhitari inscription, has mentioned a 
virtue of Sk/iiidajupta which was universally 
recognised in ancient India as worthy of 
praise. We should therefore discard all 
suggestions based on the incorrect reading 
of the Bhitari inscription which postulate 
that Skandagupta's mother did not come 
of royal blood. Can we ever imagine that 
any court poet will dare to cast such an 
aspersion on his own patron in an 
official record? I say, never, never. 

Let us take another instance, where 
an incorrect reading has led to wrong 
conclusions. In the Vidisha Stone inscrip- 
tion of the reign of the SuAga ruler 
Bhagavata Dr. Venis read the words 
bhagavaid prmad=ottamasya gamdadhvajah 
The Garuda Pillar of th.e excellent temple 
of the Divine Lord', This has been cited 
as positive, evidence of the existence of 
the temples of Vishnu in the 2nd century 


B. c. I had occasion to examine this ins 
cription in the Gajari MoJiil Museum til 
Gwalior and to my surprise, f found 
that there was not mention of any 'exce- 
llent temple' in this inscription. What 
had been read M prasad=otta'na was really 
Purushotiama, an epithet of Vishnu. Accor- 
dingly I re-edited the inscription and publi- 
shed it so that ths historians of ancient 
Indian architecture may not bs misled, 

Sometimes an important historical fact 
remains unknown for the simple reason that 
the correct reading in an inscription has 
been missed. Regarding the foundation of 
the dynasty of the Hindu-Sard Icings of 
Udbhandapura, Alberuni who was a con- 
temporary of the Sahi rulers has specifi- 
cally stated in his famous book Tahquiq-i- 
Hind, that the Hindu Sahi dynasty had 
b:en founded by Kalara who was the 
Prime Minister of the last Turlci Sahi 
ruler. The Kashmirian poet historian 
Kalhana however mentions in his Raja- 
taranginl, V, 155, a powerful Sahi ruler 
named Lalliya, who was capable of giving 
asylum to kings uprooted from their king- 
doms. Sir Aurel Stein thought that he 
was the founder of the Hindu Sahi dynasty ; 
and he was supported by the German 
scholar Prof. Charles Seybold who went 
so far as to suggest that the name as given 
by Al-Beruni should also be taken as Lalliya 
because Lalli written in the Arabic script 
could be missed as Kalar. But all such 
far fetched arguments can be finally dis- 
posed of and the truth arrived at, once 
we have the correct reading of a Sahi 
inscription. The very, first line of the 
Dewai Stone inscription of the reign of 
the Sahi 'ruler Bhimadeva, specifically de- 
signates him as a scion of the race of 


Kalara-pala K .larapGla-van&odbhava. But 
this fact remained unknown, bacause the 
first line had .been read as kalarapala- 
\armm-odbhava, while in reality it is 

Sometimes a mistake in the translation 
leads to very funny results. For example, 
in the Mankuwar Buddha Image inscription, 
the first Hue as given in Fleet's Gupta 
inscriptions, runs as follows Bhagavato 
samyak-sam 'mddhasya sva-mat-aviruddhasya 
iyam pratlmd pratishthapita This Dr. Fleet 
translated 'thus : "This image of the Divine 
one, who thoroughly attained perfect know- 
ledge, (and) who was never refuted in 
respect of his tenets, has been installed by 
the bhikshu Buddhamitra". 

Here Dr. Fleet's rendering of the com- 
pound as one 'who was never refuted in 
respect of his tenets' has resulted in the 
formulation of theories which have no real 
basis. It was inferred by competent scholars 
like Professor K. B. Pathak, that this ins- 
criplion had a very important baring on 
the date of the Buddhist philosophers, 
Vasubandhu. He argued as follows : 
"According to Dr. Takakusu, the Japanese 
savant, the Brahmanical ascetic Vindhya- 
vasa was successful in a debate with 
Buddhamitra, the teacher of Vasubandhu. 
Vindhyavasa is said to have lived in the 
middle of the 10th century after the 
Nirvana of the Buddha, i. e. c. A.. D. 450. 
In the Gupta year 129=A..D. 448, a Buddhist 
bhikshu named Buddhamitra installed an 
image of the Buddha who had not till 
then, been refuted in respect of his tenets". 
Professor Pathak concluded that this Bud- 
dhist bhikshu was so famous for his learning 
that no contemporary Brahmana scholar, 
however eminent, could venture to attack 

Buddhism, till the date of the Mankuwar 
inscription. Professor Pathak further 
arrived at the conclusion that Buddhamitra 
of the Mankuwar inscription was identical 
with Buddhamitra the teacher of. Vasu- 
bandhu, who may therefore be said to have 
flourished during the reign of Skandagupta 

However this tall structure stands OR 
the foundations of sand, as the compound 
sva-mat-avirnddhasya has an entirely diffe- 
rent meaning than what have been put upon 
it by Dr. Fleet. Ariruddha is a technical 
expression and -for its explanation we have 
to 'turn to Mahaniddesa, where it is explai- 
ned as "Yiruddho ti yo chittassa aghato 
patigha to anuvirodho kapo pakopo sampa- 
kopo dooO padoso sampadoso chittassa 
byapatti manopadoso chittassa kodho 
lay liana kujjhana kujjiiitattam do^o dussana 
dussitattam byapatti byapajjana byapajji- 
tattarh ,,virodho pativirodho, chaijdikarii 
assuropa anattamanata chittassa ayam 
vuchchatir virodho ' yass'eso virodho pahino 
samuchcliinno vupasanto patipassaddho 
abhabbuppattiko naijaggina daddho, so 
vuchchati aviruddho" ' 

1 ' i * * } 

From this passage it is clear that 
avimddha is lie whose various vices of 
the mind have been destroyed by ihe 'fire 
of knowledge'. The compound -svamat. 
aviruddha is a karmadharaya, and. is $o be 
ex-pounded as- sve/w mata^s^matafy 
svamatan = ch = aviruddha^ = cha - if Both 
svamata and laviruddha are adjectives quali- 
fying the 'Buddha* ' The expressions svamata 
and aviruddha&s adjectives, have been used 
in inscriptions as two separate words. 
For exa'mple, in the Mathura Buddha Image 
Pedestal inscription of the reign of Vasu- 
deva dated in the year 93, .(Ep, tod,, yo). 


XXXVII, p. 151), we have the following 

1 Siddham [*n] Mafcraiijasya Deva- 
putrasya Vasudevasya sam 90 3 Hi? 4 di 
20 5 asya'[ra] purvvayam bhaga [va*]topi- 

2 tamahasya sva-matasya avirudhasya 
pratima chhatram cha pratishthapitath. 

So here the inscription is to be translated 
as 'follows : 

'Success. In the (reign) of Maharaja 
Devaputra in the year 93, 4th of Hemanta, 
20th day. On this date specified before 
this statue and umbrella of -Venerable ,one, 
the grand sire, who is Aviruddha, who is 
honoured by me, have been installed', , . 

Ihus we see that neither , svatnata 
means his 6wA 'tenets' nor Aviruddha, 
means 'not-controverted'. It simply means 
"the 'Aviruddha who is honoured by me". 
Therefore all , that theory about the .supre- 
macy of Budcthamitra, and his remaining 
unvanquish'ed falls like a house of cards. 
Before I close, let us' take another interesting 
example" as to how the sense remains 
obscure 'bn account" of a" faulty reading. In 
the Mandsore Stone Slab inscription of 
YaiSbdharmiin Vishijuvardhana dated Malava 
ye'at 58D; Fleet had read in lines 15-16 the 
ward's sa bhayam=Abhayadatto nama'Chi 
[nva ?|n=prajinam. He translated it as 
"Collecting (iri, order to expell it) the fear 
of his subjects ,(?)"' Pleet put ,a -question 
mark 'afthe fend of this tendering showing. 
thai fre s was -'riot, satisfied with the sense 
evfen after explainra^ it, by saying that , 
he ctflle'cted the fear in order, to expell it. , 
Hbwever, ! even with" the explanation -at , 
rerfains cluimiy and meaningless. I ,was 
kceH to see the original stone slab, and 
thanks to the late Mr. M, B. Garde, I was, 


r " \ 

able to trace the Stone in the house of Miss 
Bina Filos, in Gwalior. A careful examina 1 
tioii of the damaged partj revealed 'the real 
text. What Fleet had read as chi- wa's 
really vi and the next damaged syllable was v 
ghna. So that the word was Vighnan: 
Now the sense at once becomes clear. 
That Abhayadatta, destroyed entirely the 
fear t of his subjects. 


I have presented to you these facts 
in order to impress' upon you the nece-' ' 
ssity of a very close coordination between 
Sanskrit studies and the study of Epigraphy; 
At the University of Calcutta, the 'Depart-- 
ment of Ancient Indian History and Cul- 
ture and those of Sanskrit and Pali worked 
in close unison since the days of the great' 
educationist Sir Ashutosh Mookerji. At- 
Lahore, Epigraphy, had been introduced ( 
by the late Dr. A. C. Woolner as one of ' 
the optional papers for M. A. Examination ' 
in Sanskrit, since 1903 ; 'and one happy 
result of this policy was that Panjab pro- ' 
duced some eminent archaeologists and 
epigraphists-R. B. Daya Ram Salmi, Pandit 
Madho Sarup Vatsa,i Dr. Bahdur Chand 
Chnabra, who rose to the position of 
Director General of Archaeology, 'and Dr. 
Hiranand Shastri who became Government 
Epigraphjst. But alas- some of the present,, 
day scholars of Sanskrit regard Epigraphy. 
as alien, having nothing to do With Sans- 
krit. So far as an epigraphist is concerned 
he "must be a deep scholar of Sanskrit ' 
language, literature and even prosody, and 
at s the same time of Pali language and 
literature. Iw^uld like to appeal to all 
'th^ Indian, Universities through this Society, 
to make .Epigraphy a part' of the M. A. 
syllabus in Sanskrit and Pali, like the 
University of Calcutta, , and make proper 


provision for 'its teachir, at tlic PoM- for tains paticnllv to this pedestrian 

1 W v' * * * 

graduate level address and 1 may address and I nay add 

, 4 , M- t *i tlwt I am a confirmed pedestrian, 

I thank YOU, ladies and gentlemen, 1 

Notes ; 

1 This has been lublished in HI, vol IX, p, fill [Ed,] 

2 Mandhal yielded three sets of C,P, Charters, two bslonging to Pravarasena II arid one loPfithvi. 
shep II, The^ are under publication in ft, M,, vol. XL, [Ed,] 

3 This iii5cr ; ptioo belongs to the reign of the Pratihira rulsr Vatsaraja, Written in 795 A, D, this 
recoid provider the latest as yet known date to him, It is under publication in Epigraphia Indica 
Vol, XL, [Ed,] 

4 This inscription has to edited by D, C, Sircar and included in FJJ, M,, vol. Wl (uodei 
publicoticn) [Ed,] 

(Second Set) 

H. S. Thosar 

A. A. Hingmire 

The present plates were discovered 
alons; with tiie previous set published above 1 
at Tembhunii in Shohipur district in Malut- 
lashlnt, They arc ;tl present in tlie posses- 
sion of Shu M M. Hadge, a resident of in Sholapui district 

The set consists of three rectangular 
copper plates, each measuring 20 cms in 
length and 10 cms in breidlh. They were 
held together by a copper ring passing 
through a circular hole which has a dia- 
meter of 1 cm. The weight of the set 
is 1 kg, 

It is to be regretted that all the three 
plates and the ring were broken into 
Siveral pieces. As a result, the letters at 
the edges have been partially or comple- 
tely lost and the reading has become very 
difficult in those places Otherwise, the 
writing in the rest of the plates is well 

The edges of these plates have been 
thickened and slightly raised in order to 
protect the writing on the plates. The 
first and the third plates have been ins- 
cribed only on the inner sides, while the 
second plate contains writing on both the 
sides. The first plate has nine lines ; the 
second plate has nine on the obverse and 
eleven lines on the reverse side and the 
third plate contains ten lines. Thus there 
are altogether thirty nine lines. 

The Characters belong to the Southern 
class of Brahrai of about the 7th century 

A. D,, and are similar to those of the 
SuvaniJi 2 , Gadval 3 and Tembhurni plates 
(first sei) 4 of Vifcramaditya I of Badarni 
Chalukya house. The Linguae is Sanskrit 
and the rules of sanclhi have been gene- 
rally observed There arc however a few 
errors in the writing as well as in Uu* 
drafting of the present grant. As in Uie 
Tembhurni plates (first sctj", the letters 
ch and v look so similar that they can 
be deciphered only with reference to the 

The object of the charter is to record 
the royal grant of the village Pipparigakhet-i 
to two brahmanas named Durggahrniim 
and VishnuSarman. Both of them belonged 
to ^andilya-gotra. Durggahrman is descri- 
bed as well versed in Rigveda and Yajurvedu 
(Rlgveda-Ynjurreda-vide). It is interesting to 
observe here that Vishnus'armaii figures as 
the sole donee in the Tembhurni pktes 
(first set) also, The present grant like 
the Tembhnrni charter (first set) was made 
at the request of yuvaraja Vinayaditya. 

At the time of the present charter, 
King Yikramaditya was on a campaign 
against his Pallava adversaries at Kanchi. 
Like the Tembhurni plates (first set), this 
grant was also issued from his victorious 
camp at Da&pka-grama which was situa- 
ted to the north of Virajamaiigala 8 i 
Chola-Vishaya, While the Tembhtirni plates 
(first set) were issued in the month of 
Ashaciha at the conclusion, of summer 
solstice, the present charter was issued in 



the month of Jyeshtlia thereby showing 
that the latter is earlier in point of time 
to the former. That Vikramaditya I con- 
tinued io stay at Daanulca-grama at least 
for two months as the two grants testify, 
shows that the hostilities in the Chola 
country -which the Chaliikyan monarch 
encountered were protracted. 

The granted village Pipparigakheta is 
staled to be situated to the north of 
Pariyai^a-grama. The latter it may be 
noted is the village donated in the Tan- 
bhurni plates (first set). Tiic grant here 
too was made at the request of Yuvaraja 
Vikramaditya as in the Tcmbhurni plates 
(first set). 

The date of charter is given as Saka 
594, regnal year 17, Jyeshtha 6u. 15 
(PawnamSsi] on which date there was also 
a lunar eclipse. The grant it may be noted 
was made on the occasion of the lunar 
eclipse mentioned above, 8 

Like other Chalukyan grants, the present 
charter begins with the invocation to the 
Primeval boar (Varaha-stuti), Then it gives 
the genealogy of the Chal-ukya dynasty 
upto Tikramadilya I, which is more or 

less similar to other grants of the same 
king. As already stated above, this charter 
was issued from his victorious camp at 
Dadanuka-grarna lying in the Ch6ja-<Ha 
and to the north of Virajamangala. Like 
the Tembhtirni plates (first set), the present 
charter also testifies the important role 
played by Vinayadityaasj'MVflrS/flin assist- 
ing his father Vikramaditya I in the adminis- 
tration of his kingdom; the details of 
which have already been discussed above 9 . 
This will be the second charter so far 
known where Vinayaditya figures as yuvaraja, 
(he first being the Temblmrni plates 
(first set). 

Of the geographical names occurring in 
the present record, Chola-Vishaya, Viraja- 
mangala, Daknuka-grama and Pariyanda- 
grama occur in the Tembhunji plates 
(first set) also where their identification 
has been discussed. 10 The donated^ village 
Pipparigakheta can be identified with the 
modern village Pimparkhed in 'Paranda 
Taluk in Osmanabad district in Maharashtra. 

The composer of this grant is Maha- 
sandhivigrahika Jayasena who has also 
written, the Honnur, 11 Savaijur 12 , GadvaP 
and Tembhurni plates (first set) 11 , 

TEXT 15 

[Metres : Verses 1-7 Anushtubh ; verses 2-5 Arya ; verse 6 Vasantatilaka] 


1 0m 16 SvastiH*] Jayaty = avishkritam Vishnor= vvaraham kshobhit = arnnavaiii [i*] 
dakshin. - Snnata - damshtr - agra - vUranta - bhu - 

2 var,am vaput liil*i]grimatam safcala- bhuvaua-sarhstuyamaaa-Manavya-sagotranarh 
Hariti - 

3 putranarn sagta - loka - matriblnr = abhivarddhitanM KSrttikeya - parirakshaija - 
prapta - 


4 kalyana - paramparanam Bhagavan = NWyana - prasada - samfisfidite - varBba - 1& 

5 [Schchhan - ikshap - ksha*a - vatikrit - atona - mahibhritarh] Chalikyanam kulam = 

alamka- , - -m <-' 

6 rishnor = Atamedh - avabhritha - snana - pavitrikf ita - gatrasya in - Pulakesi - 

vallabha - mahara - , 

7 jasyaprapautratWparikram-Skrfnta. Vanavasy = adi - para - nripali - maudaUi - 

pra^ibaddha - 

8 viSuddha - kirttih fei - Kirttivarmma - prithivivallabha - maharajasy = Stmajas = 


iJC4AJJ.l*J. w. 

9 samsakta - sakal - Ottarapath - eivara - iri - Harshavarddhana - parajay - opalabdha - 


10 pararaeto - apara - namadheyasya Satyairaya - hi - Prithivivallabha - maharajud hi ra- 
il ja - paramcivarasya priya - tanaya^ = Chitrakaijth - akhya - pravara - turamgamen = 

aiken = aiva 

12 pratit - anika - samara ~ mukhe ripu - nripati - rudhi ra - jal - asvadana - rasauay um ami - 

13 jvalad = amala - ni^ita - nistrithSa - dharay = avadhrita - dharanibhara - bhujaga - 
bhoga - sa - 

14 drib - [nija - bhuja - vijita - vijiglshur = atma - kavach - avamagn - aneka - pra - ] 

15 haras = sva - guro^= 6riyam= avanipati - tntay - antaritam = atmasatkritya krit = 
aik ?= adhi - 

16 ~ 5^ slia ~ rajyabharas = tabmin = rajya - traye vinashtani devasva -brahma - 
deyani dha - 

17 rmma - yao = bhivriddhaye svamukhena sthapitavan [*] Ratia - ^irasi ripu - 
narindran =didi di~ 

18 i jitva sva - vamkjarh lakshmim ['*] praptahparame^varaiam,= Anivarita- 


19 Yikramadityah [n2*] Api cha [i*] Mridita - Narasithha - ya^asa vihita - Mahendra - 
pratapa - vila - 

20 yena [i*] naya[na*] - vijit - eivareija prabhuija in - Vallabhena - jitam(tam) [3*5] 
Krita-Pallav - avamarddam dakship - 

21 dig-yuvatim = atta~ Kancrukafy t 1 *] yo bhri^am = abhiramayami = api sutararh 
hi ~ Vallabhena jitam(tam) [4*s3 

22 Vahati svam = arthavantam Ra^arasika^ ^nmad = urubala- skandhah [i*] yo 
Rajamalla - Sabdarn vihita - 

2S Mahamalla-kula-nyah [115*11] Durlamghya - dushkara - vibheda - vi^ala - ^ala 
durggadha - dusta - 


24 ra " brihal - pariklia - parita [i*] [agrahi - yena jayat - EiWara ~ pota - rajyam 
Kanch = Iva dakshi-] 

25 $a - di&ih kshilipena Kaficlii [n6*] sa vikram - akranta - sakala - mahi - manual - 
adhirajyo Vikramadi - 

26 tya - Satyafoaya - kl - Prithivivallabha - maharajadhiraja - parame^varas = sarvvan 
= evam a - 

27 jnapayati [n*j Viditam = astu vo = 'smabliilj chatur = navaty = uttara - pamcha - 

eshu ^aka - varsheshv = a - 

28 tlteshu pravarddhamana - vijaya - samvatsare sapta - da^e varttamane Choja - visha - 

29 ye prave^at - oikata- vijaya- skandiiavare [Virajjamangal - ottara - par^v - 
avaslhila - Da - 



30 ^anu]kagramam=adhivasati Jyeshtha - paunjamasyam chamdra - grahap - vartta 
' mane Siithdilya - sagotrasya 

31 g.ig - veda - Yajur - veda - vide Purgga - ^arramane ^amdilya - sagotrasya Vishiju 
^armmane Vinayaditya~[vijnapanaya] 

32 Parichaijda - gramasy - ottara -par^e Pipparigakhe|a - grfimo dattafe ' Tad - agami 
[bhir*] = asmad - vaihfyair = anyai^ = cha ra - 

33 jabhir = ayur - ar ogy - ai^vary - adinatn vilasitam = acliiramfiu - diariichalath 
avagachchhadbhir = achaitidr - arka - dhar - aniava - sthiti - 

34 samakalam ya^a^ = chichishubhis = sva - datti - nirvi^eshara .[pari]palaniya[m] 

uktaa= cha bhagavata Vedavyase- 

35 tiain*] Bahubhir = vasudha bhukta rajabhis= Sagar- adibhi^l 1 *] yasya yasya yada" 
bhu - 


36 mis = tasya lasya tada phalatn(lam) [n7*] Svam - datum sumahach = chhakyam 
dufrkham == anyasya palanaih [I*] danam va pala - 

37 uaih v = eti danach = chlireyo = 'nupalanam[nam] [i8*] Sva -dattarii para,- 
dattatn va yo hareta vasimdharam[i*] shaslifim 

38 varsha - sahasraiji vishthavam jayate krimih[9*n] Chalukya- variiia-jatasyaPallav- 

39 sarw - anivarit - ajnasya SasanaA ^asanam dvisham(sham) [80*] Mahasaudhivigra- 
hika kn - Jayasenena lilchi - 

40 tarn = idaih 


totes ;- 

1 Above, Vol, IK, p, 1 ff. 

2 Ef t ki Vol Mil, p, 155 If, and plate, 

3 Ibid, Vol, X, p, 100 ff, and plate, 

4 M n Vol, IK, p, 1 ff, 

5 fti, 

6 The correct name of the place is AdKjamangala, [Ed,] 

1 Ifi the Tambhutyi plates (I set), DaMa-grima is stated to be situated to the east of 
Adhirajamafigala, Here, in the present charter, it is said to be situated to the north of 
Adhiiijamailgala, [Ed,] 

8 According to R, Sewell a lunar eclipss falls in the tea year 59! (current) in the month of 
Jyishpia (I), In that case, the equivalent in terms of English caleniar wit to 672 A, 0,, 

17, the week day being Monday, %j of h Mm k Miti, p, XII, [EdJ 

9 M/ () Vol IX, p, 2, 

tt Vol, IK, p, 2, ' 

1 M,Al(1M9),p129, 

2 fy hi, Vol, XXVII, p, 116 ff, 

13 W lt Vol X, p, 100 If, 

14 W, Vol IX, p, t If, 

15 From impressions, 

OF ACCESSION? 303 ASMD ' 1304 A. D., 

N. Sethuraman 


The extreme south of the Indian 
Peninsula was the Pandya Kingdom. 
Madura was the traditional capital of the 
Pandyas, In the course of seven hundred 
years i, e., from 1000 to 1700 A. D. scores 
of Pandya kings existed. They had only 
six names-oflen repeated. The six names 
were Kulaiekhara, Srivallabha, Tira, 
Vikrama, Sundara and ParSlcraraa. They 
were either Jatavarmans or Maravarmans. 
Kings with the same or different names 
and with same or different titles ruled 
jointly or concurrently. Overlapping of 
the reigns is common, The phenomenon 
is more prominent in the 13th and 14th 
centuries. When one tries to study the 
chronology of these Pan^yan kings he is 
liable to confuse one with another. 

Kieihorn (1907) Jacobi (1911) Swamik- 
kannu Pillai (1913) and Robert Sewell 
(1915) identified eighteen Pandya Kings 
who existed between 1162 and 1357 A. D. 
Following in their foot steps, in my books 
"Medieval Pandyas" (edition 1980) and 
"The Imperial Pandyas 1 ' (edition 1978), I 
identified swenti iwo more Papdya' Kings 
who existed between 1000 and 1400 A. D. 

The investigation of the Pan^yan 
records is not easy. There are many 
obstacles and hurdles. In the midst of 
many difficulties I am progressing slowly 
and identify the kings. In this article I 
identify two Pandya kings who had the 
same name Jatavarman Sundara Pandya. 

They came to the throne in 1303 and 
1304 A.D. respectively. Till date scholars are 
of the opinion that in this period there 
was only one Jatavarman Sundara Paijdya, 
However records of this period bearing 
the same name Jatavarman Suadara Pandya 
indicate two accession dates either 1303 
or 1304 A.D. The problem is now solved 
and it is found that there were two kings 
of the same name Jatavarman Sundara 
Pandya ,with accession dates 1303 and 
1304 A, D, respectively. 


Maravarman Knla^ekhara Pandya I 
the great Pan.dyan monarch of the 13th 
century came to the throne 1 in June 1968 
A. D. His Tamil Praksti begins with the 
introduction Terpopalgui Tirumagaf. He 
had the epithet ernmanfalamum kondarulina 
(who was pleased to take every country), 
His natal star was Mula s , His records 
upto year 44 are available 1 . Evidently his 
rule came to an end in 1312 A. D. 

Kula^khara had two sons. The elder 
was Jatavarman* Vira pandya 6 of accession 
1297 A. D. He was called Kaliyugaratna*. 
The records assigned to Jatavarman Vira 
Pandya are tabulated in Appendix I. Reverse 
calculations reveal that Vira Pan'dya came 
.to the throne between the 16th May and 
the 5th June 1297 A, D. His last record 
is dated 1342 A. D. Probably his rule came 
to an. end in the same year. 

A record' which comes from Nallur 
(near Vridhachalam) belongs to Kula^e. 


fchara. It states that Prince Sutidra Pandya 
set up an linage of god VirapaijdyeiSvara 
in the name of his elder brother VIra 
Pandya. Sundara' also set up an image 
of goddess "DsSamikka Perumal Nachchiydr" 
in the name of the queen of VIra Pandya. 
It is evident that Sundara Pandya had 
great respect for his elder brother Vim 

Swamikfcannu Filial identified 3 the 
younger brother as JataYarman Suudara 
Pandya of accession 1303 A.D. A record* 
which comes from MalaiyadikurichcM 
confirms the date surmised by Pillai. Bat 
later discoveries of inscriptions complicate 
the matter, Certain records of Jatavarman 
Sundara Pandya point out the accession 
in 1303 A. D., and some in 1304 A, D. In 
the result, the reports suggest either 
1303 A. D., or 1304 A. D,, as the initial year 
of the king. 

. Astronomy is .stubborn and firm in 
pointing two initial dates. It indicate that 
two % kings of the same name Jatavarman 
Sufldafa Pafldya could have existed-the 
senior comteg to the throne in 1303 A. D. 
and the junior in 1304 A. D. Astronomy 
prompts us to search for source materials 
for establishing .the existence of two kings 
of the same name coming to the throne in 
the ?successive years, 

' Elsewhere we were confronted with 
such a phenomenon when we discussed 
the case of two Jatavarman Vita Pandyas 1 " 
of accession 1253 A. D., and 1254 A. D, 
There historicity helped us in identifying 
the two kings. In the case of the Jatavarman 
Sundara Pandyas'of accession 1303 A. p 
and 1304 A D. the inscriptions do not help us. 


The fact remains that (here arc two 
sets of records. The data of the first 
set with the name Jatavaraiah Simdaia 
Pandya agree with the accession year 

1303 A. D b Certain records supply Saica 
year, solar dates etc,, Certain records 
contain the epithet cmma^ddumum konda- 
rulina (who was pleased to take every 
country). The records assigned to Sundara 
of accession 1303 A. D. are tabulated in 
Appendix IT. Reverse calculations reveal 
that he came to the throne between the 
17th Maich and the 27th April 1303 A.D. 
His records running upto 1325 A. D. are 



The data of the second set of records 
bearing the same name Jatavarman Sundara 
Panclya agree with the accession year 

1304 A. D. $otne of them also supply 
&ika years, solat dates etc,, Curiously 
some of these records state that the sur- 
name of the king was Ko landaraman and 
his natal star was Pushya. The records 
assigned to this junior Sundara are tabu- 
lated in. Appendix III. Reverse calcula- 
tions reveal that he came io the thiono 
between the 18th March and the 13th 
April 1304 A.D, His records running up 
to 1319 A. D. are identified. 

It is evident trjat there 
Ja^avarrnan Suodara Parjdyas, One of them 
was the s'econd son of 'Maravarman 
Kvla&ekhara. We must identify this son 
and also the other Prince-, 

When the chronology is established 
and when the genealogy is not known, 
we have to turn to literature which comes 
to our rescue. The Sanskrit poem Panclya 
Kulodaya solves our problem. It states 11 
"that Swtdata Pandya 


was the nephew (sou of the sister) of VJra 
Pandya alias Kaliyugaraman. On the basis 


of this valuable information the chronology 
are furnished below. 

1268-1312 A, D. 

Jatavarman Vira 
alias Kaliyugaraman 
1297-1342 A. D. 

Jaj;avarman Sundara 

(who was pleased to take 

every country) 
1303-1325 A. D. 


The Persian poet Wassaf 1312 A. D., 
states 13 that Vira Pandya was younger and 
Sundara was elder. He further states that 
Vira Paudya was the illegitimate son and 
Sundara was the legitimate son. Wassaf 
was wrong. The Nallur record discussed 
above states that Vira Paadya was elder 
and Sundara was younger. Both were the 
legitimate sons of Kulaiekhara. 

Wassaf states that KulaSekhara crowned 
Vira Pandya rejecting the claim of Sundara. 
This is also wrong. The dates of the two 
princes prove that they were crowned during 
the life time of their father KulaSekhara, 

The Persian poet states that the two 
brothers were on hostile terms. This is 
also wrong. The Nallur record discussed 
above and the records 13 which come from 
grivaikuntham prove that father Kuladefchara 
and the sons Vira Pandya and Sundara 
Pandya were on cordial terras, There was 
no animosity in the royal family. 

Wassaf states that at the close of the 
Hijira year 709 i. e., in the year 1310 A. D. 


Ja^ai/arman Sundara 
alias Kodatjtfaramaj], His 
natal star was Pushya 
1304-1319 A. D. 

Sundara Pandya killed his father Kula^e- 
khara, This is totally wrong. Inscriptions 
prove that Kula^ekhara lived till 1312 A. D. 
A record 14 which comes from Tirumal- 
UkandankSttai belongs to the second son 
Jatavarman Sundara Pandya, year 9, corres- 
ponding to 1312 A. D. It states that Sundara 
arranged services to god for the welfare 
of his father. The services were to be 
conducted in the temple every month on 
the day of Mula, the natal star of his 
father (ayyan) evidently KulaSekhara. This 
proves that when .his father was sick, 
Sundara was praying to god for the health 
of his father. 

Wassaf lived in Persia. He did not 
come to India. His writings were based 
on rumours and oral statements collected 
from his friends-the horse dealers and 
sailors. His statement is unreliable, For 
further studies I request the reader to 
please refer to my book "The Imperial 
Panctyas". I have dealt with this subject 
in detail. 16 

Malik Kafur plundered Madura 18 in 
April 1311 A. D., and returned to Delhi in 


the month of October of the same year. 
Kula^ikhara met natural death in 1312 A. D. 
Vira Pandya and his younger brother 
Sundara Pandya continued their reigns. 
In the year 1313 A. D., the Kerala 
king Ravivarman KulaSekhara in-vadcd 
the Tamil country and defeated the 
Piindyan brothers. 17 He and his core- 
gent Kerala Vira Pandya 18 established 
their authority in the northern areas of 
Tamil Nadu. 

The brothers Vira Pandya and Sandara 
Pandya appealed to the Kakatiya king Prata- 
parudra for help. In the year 1316 A, D,, the 
Kakatiya geairal Muppidi Niyaka drove 
out the Kerala kings from Kanchtpuratn 19 
In 13 17 A, D., the Kakatiya general Dava- 
rinayaka drove out Kerala king Ravivarman 
Kulaiekhara and Keraja Vira Pandya from 
&n Rangam and established the younger 
brother Sundara Pandya on the throne 
at Viradhavalam 20 near Tiruchchirappallt 
(while the elder brother Vira Paadya. 
continued his reign from Madura). The 
Kerala kings retired to Travancorc. The 
Paiidyan brothers were grateful to the 
generals of the Kakatiyas. In the year 
1317 A, D. Sundara Pandya arranged a service 
in the Vridhachalam temple in ho : nour 
of the Kakatiya general Muppidi Nayaka. 
The elder brother Vira Paijdya also made 
contributions to the same service. 81 Vira 
Pandya celebrated the victory by instituting 
a service called Miyukawmati sandhi in 
his name in the Kanchipuram , Arujaja 
PerumaJ Temple.* 2 The nephew, Sundara 
Pandya a/to Kodandaraman of accession 
1304 A, D., also instituted a similar service 
in the same temple in his name as 
Kiidnndnrtimn santihi' m view of the victory 
of the Patjdyas ow the Kerala- kings. 23 


The Muhammadan invasions and the 
subsequent historical events of this period 
are turning points in the history of 
Tamil Nadu. The subject is outside the 
scope of this article. For further details 
I request the reader to please refer to 
my boo.t "The Imperial Pandyas", 

(1303-1322 A. D.) 

During this psriod another Pandyan 
prince by name Maravarman Sundara 
Pandya did exist. He came to the throne 
in 1303 A. D. He had the epithet emmandala- 
mum kon^rulina (who was pleased to take 
every country). He was a contemporary 
of KulaSekhara, Vira Pandya and the two 
latavarman Sundara Pandyas. The records 
assigned to Maravarman Sundara Pandya 
of accession 1303 A. D., are tabalated in 
Appendix IV. The table is self explanatory. 
Reverse calculations reveal that Maravar- 
man Sundara Pandya cam) to the throne 
between the 3rd April and the 21st July 
1303 A. D. His records upto year 19 are 
idemided.' 1 Probably his rule came to an 
end in 1322 A. D. 

The relationship between Maravarman 
Siuidara and the other Pandyan princes is 
not known. I have to refer to this king 
Maravarman Sundara PanJya because his 
records and their dates are likely to confuse 
the researchers. Maravarman Sundara 
Pandya, of accession 1303 A. D, is to be 
treated as a separate identity." His records 
are many. 20 Tins part played by this king 
in the history of the Pandyas is not known. 
Future discoveries may throw fresh light 
on the activities of this prince. 






Year, data and other details 

English equivalent 




Tii iimal. avadi 











i. _ 

Year 4, Mina, fa 9, Puforn and Sunday 

Year 5, Vri&hika, hi 7, Avittam and 

Year 6, Karkataka, ba 12, Mriga^ira 
and Sunday. 

Year 6, Kanni, ^u 6, Mula and Friday. 

Year 10, Kumbha, ba 13, Uttiradam 
and Wednesday. 

Year 10, Kumbha, ba 13, Uttiradam 
'' Wednesday (surname of the king is 


Year 12, Tula, balO, Makha and 

Year 13, Simha, ki, Svati and 

Monday (Two individuals, Sirupunrur 
Kilavan Alagiya Nayan Tiruvambala 
Pcruma} and Sirupunrur Kilavan 
Tiruvanchiyara Udaiyati figure). 

Year 13, Meslia, ball, Sadayam and 
Friday (The two individuals of 
231/1939 also figure here). 

Year 14, 3u 8, Aflilam and Monday. 

19th Mar., 1201 A.. 
8th Nov., 1301 A. D. 
22nd My, 1302 A. D. 
28th Sept., 1302 A. D. 
1st Feb., 1307 A. D. 



9th Oct., 1308 A. D. 
llth Aug., 1309 A. D. 

27th Mar,, 1310 A. D. 

3rd Aug., 1310 A. D, 



Year, data and other details 

English equivalent 













Year 14, Dhanus, ba 10, Svati and 
Wednesday (refers to the 31st year 
of his predecessor, evidently his father 
Kulas'ekhara of accession 1268) A, D. 

Year 21, Makara, ba3, Uttiram and' 

fiaka 1239, year 21, Ma6i, Ju 13 mistake 
for (Su 3, Revati and Sunday. 

Year 22, Simha 18, ba 2 mistake for > 
ba3, Uttirattati and Tuesday 

Year 22, Vritahika, 5u 5, Uttiradam and 
Monday (refers to an earlier settle- 
ment made by Perumal KulaSekhara 
Deva and Vijyalaya Deva) 

Year 22, ^ishabha, iu!3, Chitra and 
Wednesday (The two individuals of 
231/1939 also figure here). 

-do- ' 

Year 23, MIna, fa 5 mistake for ba 4, 
Svati and Wednesday (The two 
individuals of 231/1939 also figure 

Year 23, MIna, 3u6, mistake for ba6, 
Anusham and Friday (the two 
individuals of 231/1939 also figure 

Year 26, Rishabha 4, 

9, Sadayam and 

16th Dec., 1310. A. D. 

20th Jan., 1318 A. D. 

5th Feb., 1318 A. D. 

15th Aug., 1318 A. D. 
30th Oct., 1318 A. D. 

2nd May., 1319 A. D. 


27th Feb. ,1320 A. D. 

29th Feb., 1320 A. D. 

29th Apr., 1323 A. D. 







Year, data and other details 

English equivalent 

Year 30, Tula, u 1, Arjilam and Monday 

Year 38, Mesha, gu 2, Bharani and Sunday 
(surname Kaliyugaraman) 

Year 46, Mithuna 21, fo 12, Anuradha 
and Sunday (The Muhammadans who 
occupied the Tiruppattur temple were 
driven out. The Regnal year is 46. See 
Indian Antiquary 1913, p, 228} 

27th Oct., 1326 A. D. 

26th Mar. ,1335 A. D. 

16th June, 1342 A. D. 

On the basis of 546/1911 the star Sadayam in iishaba of 1297 A. D. Ms in the 
Oth year. The star was current on 15th May. On the basis of 120/1908 the star Amiradha 
in Mithuna of 1297 A. D. falls in the first year. The star was current on 5th June. 

Jatavarman Vim Paqdya alias Kaliyugaraman came to the throne between the 
16th May and the 5th June 1297 A. D. His rule extended upto 1342 A. D. 




Year, data- and other details 

English equivalent 

518/1918 : 

Year 2, Makara, su 13, Mrigasira and 
Friday. (Breach in the river Cauvery). 

8th Jan., 1305 A. D. 


Year 6, Mina, u 13, Makha and Sunday 
(Gift for MaSi Makam festival), 

23rd Feb., 1309 A. D. 


Year 9, Vfifchika 10th solar day, ba 11, 
Hasta and Sunday (refers to Kula- 
s"ekhara I^varamudaiyar temple). 

7th Nov., 1311 A. D. 




Year 11, Vrikhika4th solar day, &u 12, 
Revati and Wednesday - (who was 
pleased to take every country]. 

31st Oct., 1313 A. D. 



Year, data and other details 

English equivalent 

Kattumannar Koyil 




125 '1903 





Year 11, Kumbha, ba 10 mistake for u 10, 
Mrigasira and Saturday, (refers to 
the reigns of the earlier kings who 
ruled from 1133 to 1314 A, D,). 

Year 11, Karkataka, Su 5, Uttiram and 

Year 12, Kan n.i, 6u 13 mistake for in 3, 
Svati arid Friday (Tax on Pepper-Sec 
89/1897 of Appendix III). 

Year 12, Saka 1236 

Year 14, Mina, 6u 7, Punarpuiam and 
Sunday (who was pleased to Jake every 

Year 15 Rishabha, &\i, Pu^am, Monday 
(Nalludai Appar is forming a new 
brahmana colony called Sri Lakshmana- 
Chaturvedimangalam in the name 
of his father. Lands irrigated by the 
tank Seyya PerumaJ Eri are gifted to 
the brahmanas of the village. There 
are six signatories. See 24/1900 of 
Appendix III). 

Year 15, Kaflfli, ba 7, Rohim' and Monday- 
(mentions the hamlet Kodandarama- 
cheri evidently called after Jata Sundara 
of accession 1304 A. D. of Appendix III), 

Year 16, Karkataka, ifo 7, Hasta and 
Wednesday (mentions Vikrama Panciya 
Valanadu, evidently called after Mara 
"Vikrama 1250-66 A. D,), - 

Year 16, Siifaha, Su I, Sunday. 

26th Jan., 1314 A. D. 

29th June, 1313 A, D. 
13th Sept., 1314 A, D. 

1314-15 A. D. 

20th March, 1317 A. D. 

16th May, 1317 A. D. 

29th Aug., 1317 A. D. 

5th July, 1318 A. D. 

27th Aug., 1318 A. D. 











Year, data and other details 

Year 17, Simha, iu, Uttiram and Monday. 

Year 17, Mma, ba 13, Sadayam and Satur- 
day (mentions Svami Santosha Chatur- 

Year 18, Siihha, iSu, Makha and Tuesday. 

Year 19, Simha, ba - 1, Avittam and 

Year 22, Rishabha, ilu 3, Punarpus'am. and 
Saturday (grants for the welfare of the 

, do (connected to 220/1944). 

Year 23, Rishabha, & 7, Sunday (Two 
individuals of 231/1939 of Appendix I 
of Jata VIra Pan^ya also figure here). 

English equivalent 

30th My, 1319 A. D. 
8th March 1320 A. D. 

5th August, 1320 A. D. 
8th August, 1321 A. D. 
26th May, 1324 A. D. 



20th May 1325 A. D. 

On the basis of 185/1916 the star Sadayam in Mina of 1303 A. D. falls in the 
Oth year. The star was current on 16th March. 

No, 73/1911 year 23 is, dated in 20th May 1325 A. D. On that day the star Puram 
was current. Accordingly Puram in Rishabha of 1303 A. D. falls in the first year. 
The star was current on 27th April. 

Jajavarman Stmdara Pandya came to the throne between the 17th March and the 
27th April 1303 A. D. His rule extended upto 1325 A. D. 




Year, data and other details 

English equivalent 


Year 2, gaka 1227-Mma 2nd solar day 
Friday. VIrachampan alias EdiriliSola- 
gambuvarayai} figures. 

25th Feb., 1306 A. D, 




Year, data and other details 

English equivalent 

183/1940 ' ' 







aka 1228 Kumbha (gift to the temple by 
VIrachampan alias Edirili^oja- 


Year 7, Tula, ba 11, Monday and Utti- 
radam-mistake for Uttiram. (Gift of 
lands for festival to the image of 

Year 12, Makara, u 7, Friday and Revati. 

Year 12, Makara, ^u 7, Friday and Revati. 
(Tax on arecanut. The name of the king 
is lost. The wordings of this record 
are identical with that, of 90/1897 of 
Appendix H-hence assigned to Sundara 
of accession 1304). 

Year 13, Simha, s"u 13, Monday and Utti- 
radam. (Nalludai Appar is forming a 
new brahmana colony Sri Lakshmana- 
Chaturvedimangalam in the name 
of his father. Lands irrigated by the 
tank Karaikujam are gifted to the. brah- 
manas. Six signatories, of 23/1900 of 
Appendix II also figure here). 

Year 13+ 

1, Mithuna, ^u, Sunday and 

Year 13+1, Kuitbha, ^u 13, Pushya and 
Monday. (A service called Kodaij^a- 
ramaj] sandhi in the surname of the king 
was instituted on the day of his natal 
star Pushya. ' An officer by name 
Nettur Udaiyan Kaliaga-r5yan figures). 

February, 1307 A. D. 

19th Oct., 1310 A. D. 

2nd Jan., 1316 A. D. 

2nd Jan., 1316 A. D. 

2nd Aug., 1316 A. D. 

19th June, 1317 A. D, 

13th Feb., 1318 A. D, 



Findspot- Reference 

Year, data and other details 

English equivalent 



Year 13+3, Mesha, &U9, Friday and Puam. 
A service called Kodaudaramai} sandhi 
was instituted in the surname of the 
Icing. The officer Nettur 
K alingarayai} figures. 

30th March, 1319 A, D. 

Record 189/1940 year 2 is dated in 25th February 1306 A. D. On that day the star Pushya 
was current in the month Mina Accordingly Pushya in Mina of 1304 A. D falls in the Oth 
year. The star was current on 17th March. On the basis of 123/1904 Pushya in Mesha 
of 1304 A. D. f a ii s i n the first year. The star was current on 13th April. 

Jutavarman Sundara Pandya alias Kodandaranwn came to the throne between the 
18th March and the 13th April 1304 A. D, His rule extended upto 1319 A. D, 




Year, data and other details 

English equivalent 


98;' 1940 

Pd 343 




Year 1 1, K umbha, 6u 4, Monday and Mula- 
irregular (The two individuals who 
figure in 231/1939 of Appendix I of Jata 
Vira Pandya also figure here). 

Year II, Mina, ba 1, Hasta and Sunday. 

Year 12, Dhanus, ba 6, Makha and 

Year 12, Mina, u 5, mistake for ba, 5 
Svati and Monday. (The two individuals 
of 76/1911 above also figure here). 

Year 12, Mina 30th solar day, ba 4, 
Anuradha and Tuesday (who was pleased 
to take every country). 

Year 13, Avani 29th solar day, ba 12, Ayil- 
yam and Wednesdy (who was pleased 
to take every country). 

February, 1314 A. D. 

3rd March, 13 14 A. D. 

28th Nov., 1314 A. D. 

24th Feb., 1315 A. D. 

25th Mar., 1315 A. D. 

27th Aug., 13 15 A. D, 




Year, data and other details 

English equivalent 






Year 12 (Vira Champan alias gambuva- 
rayan figures. He figures in Tiruvallam 
record 3/1890 dated Saka 1236 corres- 
ponding to 1314 A. D. He figures in 
189 and 183 of 1940 of Appendix III). 

Year 14, Ku&bha, Su, Utliradam mistake 
for Uttirattati and Monday. 

Year 14, Mina, s"u 1, Revati and Monday. 

Year 14, Mesha, 6u 13, Chittirai and 
Sunday, (Three donors who figure in 
344, 343 and 342 of 1911 are brothers). 

Year 17, Karkataka, k 7, Svati and Mon- 
day (who was pleased to take every 

1315 A. D. 

14th Feb., 1317 A. D. 

14th Mar., 1317 A. D. 

24th April, 1317 A. D. 

23rd July, 1319 A. D. 

On the basis of 342/1911 the star Chittirai in Mesha of 1303 A. D. falls in the Oth 
/ear. The star was current on 2nd April. On the basis of 616/1902 the star Svati in 
<Carkataka of 1303 A. D,, falls in the first year. The star was current on 21st July. 

Maravarman Stmdara Pandya came to the throne, between the 3rd April and 21st 
'ily 1303 A. D. His rule extended upto 1322 A. D., as is evidenced by TirukkSchchur 
>cord 309 j 1909 - year 19. 


Two ifldividuals-&rapupur Kijavau Alagiya Nayan Tiruvambala Perumal and &ru- 
piiflnjr Kilavan Tiruvanchiyam Udaiyag figure 'in the following Srivafijiyam records. 
231/1939 of Appendix I - Jatavarman Vira Pandya dated 1309 A. D. 
227/1939 -do- -do~ 1310 A. D. 

67/1911 -do- -do- 1319 A. D. 

73/1911 -do- -do- 1319 A. D. 

232/1939 -do- -do- 1320 A. D. 

233/1939 -do- ' -do- 1320 A. D. 

74/191) of Appendix II Jatavarman Sundara Paridya 1325 A. D, 
76/1911 of Appendix IV - Maravarraan Sundara Pa^ya 1314 A. D. 
75/1911 of Appendix IV : do- 1315 A. D. 



2) The chief Vira Champaa alias Sambuvarayan figures in the following records 
(A, R. S. I E. 1939-43, Part II, paras 56 and 57). 

189/1940 of Appendix IH-Jatavarman Pandya dated 1306 A. D. 
183/1940 -do- -do- 1307 A.D. 

97/1900 of Appendix IV Maravarman Sundara Pandya dated 1315 A. D. 
3/1890 (E. I, III, p. 70)-ika 1236 dated 1314 A.D. 

51/1893 (E. I, III, p. 71)~3aka 1236 dated 1314 A. D. 

The internal evidence of the above record, proves that Jatavarman VIra Pandya 
alias Kaliyugaraman of accession 1297 A. D., Jatavarman Sundara Pandya of accession 
1303, A. D., Maravarman Sundara Pandya of accession 1303 A, D., and Jatavarman 
Sundara Pandya alias Kodandaraman of accession 1304 A. D,, were contemporaries. 
In view of the internal evidence the errors in the astronomical data of 232 and 233 
of 1939 and 76 and 75 of 1911 are to be ignored, 

3) The following records belong to Jatavai'rnan Sundara' Pandya alias Kodandaraman 
They mention either his surname Kodandaraman or his natal star Pushy a or both. 
An Officer by name Nettur Udaiyan Kalingarayan figures in most of these records. 



Regnal Year 








































Regnal Year 











Rajeadran Pattinam 

Year lost 

The regnal years above 13 are quoted as 13 plus. This is a peculiar feature of 
the records of Sundara Pandya alias Kodandaraman. 

Notes :- 

1 Indian Ephemeris., Volume I, part II, p. 27 

2 S.I.I. Vol. IV; 254/1328 ; 465/1930. 

3 247/1925; 254/1923; A. R. I. E. 1959-60, p. 25. 

4 106/1316, year 44; 646/1902, year 44. 

5 306/1950 ; A. R. S. I. E., 1938-39, p. 83. 

6 A. B.S.I. E. 1936-37, part II, para 42; Ibid., 1939-43, p. 251. 

7 156/1941; A, R. SvJ.E., 1939-43, p. 249. 

8 Indian Antiquary, 1913, p. 228. 

9 608/1915, Jajavarman Sundara Paijtfya, year 12, Saka 1236. 

10 "Two Jatavarman Vlra PIij4yas of accession 1253 and 1254" Paper presented by me in the 
Seventh Annual Congress of the Epigraphicaf Society of India held at Calcutta in January 1981, 
Also see p. 184 of Medieval Paitfyas (1980 edition) published by me. 

11 Pai^tya Kulsdaya,, (1981 edition); p. 212, Published by Vishveshvaranand Vishva Bandhu 
Institute of Sanskrit and Indological Studies, Punjab University, Hoshiarpur, Please see the introduc- 
tion, The editor Dr. K. V. Sarma has has made a very " useful surmise about Sundara 

afias Kodaij4arlma the nephew of V!ra Pagtfya aliyas Kaiiyugarama. 

12 History of India As Told By The Muhammadan Historians, Part |||, Elliot and Dowson, 

13 A. R, S, I.E., 1959-60, p. 25 ; Also see the records in the p. 84 and 85 of the same report, 

14 51/1931-32, Jatavarman Sundara (of -accession ,.3303 A, "D.), year 9, 


15 There was a prince by name Raja Rajan Sundara Pantfya (1313-1335 A, D,) possibly another 
son of Kulaiekhara by a second wife HB turnsd traitor and pined the Mutommajdan invaders. 
He too did not kill Kulaiekara, Wassaf should have confused Raja Rajan Sundara with Jatavarman 
Sundara of accession 1303 A. D. Ses p, 175 to 192 of Tne Imperial Panth/as. 

16 Elliot and Dowson, History of India As Told by The Muhammadan Historians, Part III, p, 69 and 


17 Kielhorn, E. I., Vol. IV, p, 145 - 152; Hultzscli, E, !,, Vol. VIII, p, 8, 

18 Pe^agaram 47/1898, year 5; Perunagar 344/1923, year S; T, A. S., Vol. IV, Part I, p. 89-91, 
l(eraja Vira Pasjdya, year 4, Kollam491, Kumbha 21 corresponding to 16th February 1316 A, D. 

19 KaSchlpuram 43/1893; Hulfzsch E. I., Vol. VII, p. 128 - 130 

20 Jambukeivaram S. I, I., Vol. IV, p. 430 ; $n Rangam 79/1938-39 ; A. R, S, I. E,, 1938-39, p, 73 ; 
The report suimises that the Kakatiyas defeated the Paijdyan Prince Vira Paijdya. E, I,, Vol. XXVII; 
No, 48 surmises that Vira Parj$ya was a different king, Actualy it was Kerala Vira Paijdya who 
was defeated by the Kakatiyas, See p. 139 - 145 of The Imperial Pandyas. 

21 Vfiddhachalam 72/1913 Jatavarman Sundara (of accession 1303 A, D,}, year 14 corresponding to 
1317 A. D.; A.R.S. I, E, 1918, p. 156. 

22 S. I, I., Vol. IV. No, 855, year 21, Margaji corresponding to December 1317 A, D, 

23 S.I.I,, Vol., IV, No, 853, year 13 corresponding to 1317 A. D. 

24 Tirukkachchiir 309/1909, Miravarman Sundara, year 19, 

25 See p, 228 of my The Imperial Pa^yas - 1 surmised that Maravarman Sundara came to 
the throne in 1344A.D, I mads further research which necessitated revision in favour of 
1303 A, D, only 

26 272/1902 and 197/1335, year 10; 97/1900 and 92/1940, year 12; 89/1918 and 141/1902, 
year 12. Piranmalai record 226/1924 of Maravarman Sundara. Bhuvanekavira Vikrama Paijdya 
who ruled between 1250 and 1266 A.O, names the gopura built by him as BhuvanSkaviran Tiruvaial. 


K. V. Ramesh 

This important set of copper plates was 
discovered in a field belonging to Shri 
Trimbak Dada Patil at Bhindhon, Auranga- 
bad Tahsil and District, Maharashtra. The 
set is now deposited in the Department of 
History and Ancient Indian Culture, 
Marathwada University, Aurangabad, 

A very tentative and extremely defec- 
tive lext of the charter has been publi- 
shed in the July-August 1978 issue of 
Pratishthan, the Marathi bulletin of Marath- 
wada Sahitya Parishad along with an 
introductory article and plates in pp, 27-32. 
In view of the extreme importance of 
this charter for the early history of the 
Kashtrakiitas of Manyakheta, it is being 
re-edited here. Attention will bs drawn 
in the sequel only to mistakes of a 
serious nature in the text as published in 

The set consists of three plates the 
second of which bears writing on both 
the sides while the first and third contain 
writings only on the inner sides. Each 
sheet measures 17x8. 5 cm and the three 
plates together weigh 852 grams, At the 
top centre of each plate is a ring-hole, 
1 cm in diametre, for the ring of the 
seal to pass through. The ends of the 
circular ring, which is 4cm in diametre, 
are soldered into a seal which has a 
Nagari legend reading Sr'rPratdpa&ilasya 
in two lines. On top of the legend is 
a symbol which is probably a nandi-p'ada. 

The ring with the seal weighs 130 grams. 
The rims on both the sides of the middle 
plate are raised in order to ensure pre- 
servation of the writing. 

The engraving is most indifferently 
executed necessitating the identification of 
many letters purely on the strength of 
the context in which they occur. There 
are in all 30 lines of writing which are 
distributed as follows: I, 8 lines; Ila, 
8 lines; lib, 7 lines and III, 7 lines. 

The characters employed in the charter 
belong to what is commonly known as 
the Kutila or Siddhamatrika script. In 
view of the developed nature of some of 
the letters, the script employed here may 
also b3 justifiably considered as proto- 
Nagari. The plates are not dated but 
may be assigned, on grounds of palaeo- 
graphy as 'well as the internal evidence 
furnished by the text, to the end of the 
7th or the beginning of the 8th century 
A. D. In spite of careless engraving, the 
letters in the charter under study may bo 
generally compared with those in the 
Deobarnark inscription 1 of Jivitagupta of 
the late 7th century A. D. and the Nalanda 
stone inscription 3 of Yaiovarman of the 
early 8th century A. D. and more profi- 
tably with the Tiwarkheda plates 3 of 
Rashtrakuta Nannaraja, issued in 631 A. D. 
and the Samangada plates 4 of Rashtra- 
kuta Dantidurga, issued in 753 A. D. An 
interesting transitional feature noticed in 



our charter is that, while the letters in 
the Tiwarldieda plates have short line 
head-marks and those in the Samangada 
plates have head-marks covering the entire 
breadth of the letters, the Bliindhon plates 
have a mixture of both these forms, 
though the incomplete head-marks are 
the more commonly used. 

Of the initial vowels, a occurs twice 
in api (line 4) and any a (line 28). While 
the former is the curved type in which 
the lower hook is turned to the left, 
the latter, which roughly resembles the 
form of the letter a in the Jhalrapatan 
inscription 11 of Durgagana of the end of 
the 7th century A. D., may bs described 
as the letter la, with a prominent hori- 
zontal headmark, with a vertical line to 
its right connected by a horizontal stroke 
in the middle. Among palaeographical 
peculiarities, which may be attributed to 
the prevalence of scriptal variety in the 
region and during the period in question 
and not to the engraver's ineptness, the 
following deserve notice: Three varieties 
of the letter ka occur, viz., the one with 
a cursive left belly (as in sakala, line 2, 
naika, line 4, pankara, line 6, etc.), another 
with the left belly formed in the shape 
of a triangle (as in kiita in line 7, Kola 
in line 15 and kartta in line 25) and 
the third, the archaic form of a horizontal 
line cutting across a vertical line, but 
with a prominent horizontal head- mark 
!as in kumbha in line 5); so also, while 
;m ploying k as superscript, the full form 
jf the letter is engraved in muktd (line 5), 
cshobha (line 14), etc., while only the 
;ross, with the head mark, is found used 
n vipaksha (line 14), kshamena (line 14), 
5tc. As for the letter ma, while the more 

common variety used is the Kutila type 
with a marked loop at the left bottom 
as in the Tiwarldieda and Samangada 
plates, another variety, with what may be 
described as a tail-mark in the place of 
the loop, is also employed as \\isvamina 
(line 21) and matlna (line 23). At least 
three varieties of the letter to, each with 
its own minor variations, can be identified 
as in kivafli (line 3), tilth (line 11) and 
in (line 11), 

The language employed in the charter 
is Sanskrit and, but for one invocatory 
and two imprecatory verses, the entire 
text is in prose. In marked contrast to 
the indifferent manner of engraving, the 
language is surprisingly frcj from errors, 
the four glaring departures being the 
spelling of n=a!ka (in line 4) as naika, 
of iia&anka, as Manga (line 9), of trishu 
(in line 19) as trishu and of sandhivigraha 
(in line 22) as sa'i[d!n]vfishabha. It is 
almost certain that, in the last instance, 
the engraver had failed to follow the 
lines of the letters vigraha correctly and 
had thus mis-inscribed the word as vr- 
shubha. Attention may also be drawn to 
the word pankajafy (line 11) which actu- 
ally reads as pajkajah b:cause of the 
addition of an unwanted horizontal stroke 
to the middle of the superscript n. Among 
the noteworthy orthographical features 
may be mentioned the fact that the con- 
sonant following r is nowhere doubled. 

The charter bears no date but, as has 
been pointed out above, may be assigned, 
on grounds of palaeography and historical 
evidence, to the end of the 7th or the 
beginning of the 8th century A.o. 

The object of the charter is to regis- 
ter the grant of the village Chinchapal 1 ! 


(boundaries specified) to the brahmana 
Bhanu-bhatta, the son of Ko|a-krma who 
belonged to the Vatr.a-sagotra and was a 
Kapa, The donor was Svamiraja, the 
son of Durgaraja, and he is de;cribed as 
the follower of Pratapa^ila-Kakkaraja, the 
son of Govindaraja of the Maharashtra- 
Kuta family. The grant was made for 
the growth of the merit of the donor. 

The engraving in the first two lines 
is very shallow and many letters are 
totally worn out. However, it can be 
clearly made out that the first three lines 
contain a verse invoicing the blessings of 
the god Hari (i.e. Vishp). Lines 4 to 7 
and a part of line 8 introduce the illu- 
strious (ruler) Govindaraja describing him 
as belonging to the Maharashtrakuta family 
(or alternatively, as belonging to the great 
Rashtrakuta family) and as one who 
wears a garland of flowers jerked up by 
the fore-heads of rutting elephants felled 
by him with his great sword in nume- 
rous battles. 

Part of line 8 and lines 9 to 11 as 
also the first letter of line 12 introduce 
Govindaraja's first son (prathama-sunuh) 
Pratapa&la alias Kakkaraja and describe 
him as one who was, like the moon 
risen on the eastern hill, a source of 
pleasure to the whole world and whose 
feet were resplendent with the lustre of 
the precious stones embedded in the dia- 
dems of (subdued) kings. 

The donor, the illustrious Svamiraja 
is introduced in lines 12-14 as one capa- 
ble of routing his enemies and as the 
son of the illustrious Durgaiija whose 
fame was ever radiant because of his 
ability to attract (the adherence of) con- 


summate followers. Svamiraja is further 
described as the follower (anuchara) of 

As has been stated earlier, the grant 
portion, in lines 14-22, registers the grant 
of the village Chinchapalli, in order to 
augment the merit of the donor Svami- 
raja, to the brahmana Bhanu-bhatta, the 
son of Kola-Sauna of Vatsa-sagotra, a 
Kauva. The grant was made with the 
ceremonial pouring of water. The gift 
village was bounded on the north by 
two aSvattha trees while, on the three 
remaining quarters, viz,, the east, south 
and west, it was bounded by two rivers. 

The grant thus made by Svamiraja 
received the assent of his overlord 
(parama-svam!) Kakkaraja when the latter 
was encamped at Pingalika and the grant 
itself was made in the presence of the 
sandhivigraha and ptirohita. 

The prose passage in lines 23-25 
enjoins that' none should, either through 
instigation or by one's own self, or 
through rage or attachment, make bold 
to appropriate the village thus gifted. This 
is followed by two popular imprecatory 
verses attributed to Mann, the author of 
the Dharma-taslra and the smritis. 

The charter is of considerable impor- 
tance to the early history of the Rasli- 
trakutas. The pta&asti portion introduces 
two generations of early Rashtrakuta 
rulers, viz. Govindaraja and his son 
Pratapadila-Kakkaraja and two generations 
of their subordinates, viz. Durgaraja and 
his son. Svamiraja. 

Of the above four, Govindaraja is the 
first of that name with whom many of 
the Rashtrakuta charters commence the 



dynastic eulogy of that family. The 
Rashtrakuta praSasti alludes to Govinda 
in very general terms and proceeds to 
describe, also in very general terms, 
Kakkaraja, his son. From Kakkaraja's 
reference in the charter under study as the 
first son (prathama-sitnu) of Govinduraja, 
we understand for the first time that the 
latter had issues other than and younger 
to Kakkaraja. 

A more important information furni- 
shed by our record pertains to the status 
enjoyed by Govinda and Kakka. On the 
strength of the mere conventional praise 
showered upon these two figures by the 
later Rashtrakuta charters, Fleet had con- 
cluded 8 that "it does not seem at all likely 
that either of them enjoyed any regal 
power". On the other hand, our charter 
furnishes direct evidence attesting to the 
rule of Kakkaraja in the Marathwada 
region and clearly attests to the regal 
status and stature of his father by describ- 
ing him as samprapi-atesha-maha&abdal}, 
Also the usage of the word samprapta 
implies that Govinda had, for the first 
time, gained the privilege of u&esha-maha~ 
iaWfl, suggesting thereby that his two 
known predecessors, Dantivarrnan. and 
Indra (I), had not enjoyed that stature. 
It is this achievement of Govinda which 
must have induced his illustrious succes- 
sors to consider him as the real founder 
of the Rashtrakuta dynasty. 

The region over which Govindaraja 
and his son established their hegemony 
is of considerable importance. The gift 
village Chinchapalli may be identified* with 
modern Chincholi (lat. 19 30', long, 76 
15') near the eastern border of Auranga- 

b:id District. The village is bounded on 
the each and west by two rivulets which 
join the Godavari river flowing to the 
south, thus admirably conforming to the 
boundaries narrated in lines 19-20 of our 
charter, llngalika-tataka, where Kakkaraja 
was encamped at the time of endorsing 
the grant, may be identified with modem 
Pingli, situated to the south-east of Par- 
bliani, the headquarters of the District of 
the s.une name, on the railway line 
connecting Parbhani with Nandcd. It is 
thus obvious that Kakkaraja was ruling 
over the Aurangabad-Parbhani region in 
Marathwada at the time the Chinchapalli 
grant was made. 

This is in keeping with the histori- 
cal information we already possess accor- 
ding to which the early activities of even 
Dantidurga, the grandson of Kakkaraja 
were confined to the areas on the banks 
of the Mdhi, Nannada and Mahanadi 
and thai, on'y towards the closing years 
of his career, he succeeded in making in- 
roads into the northern parts of Karna^aka. 
We should, therefore, assign the rule of 
Kakkaraja to the pre-Karnataka phase of 
Rashtrakuta history. 

Though the present charter states that 
Govindaraja had gained the privilege of 
a&esha-maha^abda and also describes his 
son Kakkaraja as the parama-svamin (over- 
lord) of the donor Svamiraja, neither 
father nor son is endowed with any royal 
title. We have, therefore, no means of 
knowing whether Kakkaraja was an inde- 
pendent ruler at the time of the issue 
of the charter. We come to know for 
the first time from the present record 
that Kakkaraja was also known as Pra- 
tapas'ila. And the fact that the seal 


foais the legend ri-Pratapailasya proves aspirants in their early military exertions 

thatKiklcaraja was either entitled or power- which finally fetched for them imperial 

fill enoiyh to issue charters on his own. status, 

The donor Svamiraja and his father The identification of the two place- 
Durgaraja are mentioned for the first nimes occurring in the record, viz. Chin- 
time in our charter. Their brief eulogies chapalll and Pin^ajika-tataka has been dis- 
can at best be stretched to imply that cussed above, 
they had actively assisted the Rashtrakuta 


. [ Meters : Verse 1 : Arya ; verses 2-3 : Anushtubh ] 



2 veda-smriti-puraija-sakala-rruikhena svarbharw 

3 s-tuhin-anlu-vi(bi)mva(mba)-chandra-chak6ra[h*) kurutat=sa Harih divam [n*l] 

4 api dm [ |!!! ir:fai(Nai)ka-malia-samar-asivinisha(,pa)tita-matta-dvira- 

5 da-^ana-ghata-kumbha-sthal-schchhalita-mukta-phala-kara-ku- 

6 suma-mala-parikarita-[cliihna]~lakshita-vapfi(pu)-kaijtha-ma[laK] 

7 Me(Ma)harashtrakut-anvayalj samprapt-a^shamaha^a[bdah] 

8 iri-Govindarajas=tasya cha prathama-sBnur-uda- 


9 [yadry-u]dita-^a^anga(nka) iva sakala-jagad-ahlada-karalu 

10 yugapan-n[ri]tyan-narapati-mukuta-maiji-mariclii~manjari-sa- 

11 mudy5[ddyo)tita-pada-pajka(nka)jah Pratapa^ilaUri-Kakkara- 

12 jah tasy-anucharena prakata-patu-bhat-akrishtay-opa- 

13 ja(rji)t-avichchhmna-ya^a-praka^asya Sri-Durgarfijasya su- 

14 nuna vipaksha-kshobha-kshameija Sri-Syfimirajena Va- 

15 tsa-sajotr-anvayasya Kaijvasya Kolakrma-brahma[na]- 

16 sya sutaya Bhanubhattay-atmanah pimy-abhivri[ddha]- 


17 ye Chifichapalli-namadheyo gramo=daka-piJrvva[m] kritva 

18 tasya cha sima-pariclichhitlir=uttarato=lvattha-yug a la- 

19 si(m-i)tarasu purva'-dakshi^a-pafcliimasu tri(tri)shv=api-di- 


20 kshu nadi-yuala--pariveshtitalj sa cha Pingalika- 

21 tataka-stheua paramasvamina ^ri-Kakkaraien-a- 


II numodiiaft] saa[dhilvrishabha-pur5hita-samakshan dattapi] [i*] 

23 tasya na keMchid=vidwj=jana-janya-matina v=a- 


24 iman[a] va kriddhena va rag-avislitena va na kenachid-a- 

25 sya gramasy-apaharapfee) buddhih karttavy=etitatha 

26 ch=okta Maaaka(va)-dliarma-l(rita smriii-kareija i Va(Ba)ha(hujbhi- 

27 r=vasudha bhukta rajabhih Sagar-adibliih[i' j! ] yasya ya- 

28 sya yada bhiimis=tasya tasya tada p]ialam[i!*2! Anyasa(ye)- 

29 na hri[ktya](ta) blumir=anyayena tu harita[i*] haranto harayata- 

30 ^=cha bha[vaty-a]saplamain kulamifm n*3 i) ti 

Notes ;- 

1 Cll, Vol. Ill, pp, 215-17 and plate. 

2 Above, Vol. XX, pp. 43-44 and plate, 

3 Above, Vol. XI, pp. 279-80 and plate. 

4 Ind.AnL Vol. XI, pp, 111-13 and plate, 

5 G. H. Ojha: Bharatiya Praclfmti Lipimala, lipi-patm 21. 

6 Dyn, Km. Dist., p. 389. 

7 From the original plates and inked estampages. 

8 Thero is an unnecessary vertical stroke, with a headmark, engraved below the letter TO, 


G. Bhattacharya 

In the collection of medieval stone 
sculptures from Bihar-Bengal at the Museum 
of Indian Art, Berlin, thers is a fragment 
of a votive chatty a most probably from 
Bodligaya (Museum No, MIK I 579/. 
The fragment is of smooth, greyisli black 
basalt which is generally known as Raj- 
mahal slate because the stone came from 
the quarry of the Rajmahal Hills 3 at the 
border of Bihar and Bengal, The frag- 
ment is a part of the socle of a chaliya 
and it measures 83 cm in length. 
It shows on the upper part a row 
of nine seated figures of the Buddha, 
of which the face of the first, the head 
of the eighth and the head and upper 
body of the ninth figures are damaged. 
All the Buddhas sit in the vajraparyan- 
kasana attitude on a cushion marked with 
crossed lines. No lotus has been used 
as the seat. Of the nine figures the third 
and the seventh show the dhyana or 
samadhi-mudia and the rest the bhtimi- 
sparka-tmidra. 3 The figures in the dhyana- 
or samadhi-mudta hold a pot on the 
palms.' 1 The utlarascinga of these two 
figures covers the while upper body while 
on the other figures it covers the left 
side of the upper body together with the 
left' arm. The drapery of the Buddhas 
are in the Sarnith style 5 and the navel 
mark is shown through it. All of them 
have a pointed ushnisha and the hair is 
styled in dakshtyavarta curls. All the nine 
Buddhas are no doubt the same Gautama 

yamivni. The emphasis on the bhumi- 

spar&a-tmtdra perhaps points to the place of 
its origin, namely Bodligaya. All the 
Buddhas sit in a niche made of two short 
pillars surmounted by a trefoil arch. In 
between the arches there is each an 
ornamental floral design. The upper part 
of most of the niches is damaged. On 
a different moulding three triangular 
elements, the element which is common 
with the Buddhist art objects from Bihar, 
are shown each with an ornamental 
foliage with a disc inside. Perhaps it 
represents the chakra-ratna or the Jewel 
of Wheel. The socle is of triratha or 
three-tiered shape. 

Below this moulding an inscription 
is written on another moulding. It is 
written in three lines. The third line 
contains a few letters only and the text 
ends at the left part of the moulding. Un- 
fortunately the commencing letters of the 
third line are badly damaged. The Siddham 
symbol at the beginning and some of the 
letters at the beginning of the middle 
portion are also damaged. The size of 
each letter is approximately 1 cm but of 
the third line they are smaller. The 
engraving of the letters is clear and 
beautiful. But due to the carelessness of 
the scribe some portion of the text has 
been left out as we shall see later. 

The characters of the record are 
Gaufi) a (or Eastern Indian) as D. C. Sircar 
will rightly call them following the state- 
ment of al-Biruni, The characters belong 



to the llth century A. D., Of special in- 
terest is the formation of the letter ha 
in two different ways ; in gfiha* in line 
1 it is written in the usual way but in 
maki 6 and ma/ia in line 2 it looks like 
da (see "khafett in line 1). The Slddham 
symbol at the beginning looks like a note 
of interrogation but open to the right. 
Punctuation marks have been used with 
single and double vertical lines. The short 
vowel i in iva in line 2 has an interest- 
ing form. 

As regards orthography it may bs 
pointed out that the letters cha, na, da 
and ma have been doubled in connection 
with ra, but not ya. Final ma has been shown 
with anusvara at the end of a verse (v. 2). 

The record is written in Sanskrit and 
in four verses, of which' some portion of 
verse two lias been left out due to .the 
carelessness of the scribe and some por- 
tion of the second half of verse four 
is damaged. Besides, the beginning of 
verse three is a faulty composition, which 
makes it difficult for the reader to follow 

the sense of the verse. 


The epigraph op:ns with the Slddham 
symbol. Verse one does not mention the 
name of the person to whom it refers 
but praises the valour of hjm in high 
terms saying that he had fought many 
battles vanquishing with his sword the 
mighty war elephants of the enemies. But 
unfortunately the enemies have not been 
mentioned clearly by names. Verse two, 
which is partially left out, mentions that 
his courtyard was filled with rutting ele- 
phants. We are not in a position to say 
if these elephants were gifts of others or 
captured as a booty during .the war. 

Verse three, which is a faulty composi- 
tion, nevertheless gives the sense cleaily 
that the psrson concerned was a incut 
conqueror, who filled the directions with 
his fame, like the autumnal moon, who 
fills the directions with its rays, Finally, 
verse four, the second part of which is 
demaged, mentions the hero of the record 
as Purnarakshita, the overlord of the 
Samantas, who was responsible for the 
religious gift, perhaps the votive chaitya 
in question. It is a pity that an impor- 
tant architectural term is perhaps missing 
in that damaged portion. Generally the 
art-historians use the term stupa (or 
votive stupa) in connection with the 
Buddhist architecture all over India with 
exception to the caves containing stupes 
in Western India, where the caves arc 
called chaitya-h&\\s. In the records from 
Amaravati and Nagarjunakonda the term 
used in Prakrit for such structure is 
chetiya and not thuba 1 . In the collection 
of the Museum of Indian Art, Bsrlin, 
there is a fragmentary, votive chaitya 
from Bodhgaya with an. inscription in 
Sanskrit verse and in Gaudlya characters 
of about the llth century A. D., which 
describes the object of donation as a 
beautiful chaitya (MIK I No 783), chaityo= 
'yam-ati-swdarah. It is, therefore, possible 
to think that during the Pala period in 
Bihar the socalled votive stiipas were 
really called chaityas, 

It is intfed a paradox that in dona- 
ting a chaitya in honour of the peace- 
loving, non-violent Buddha the donor 
Purnarakshita allows his military prowess 
to be praised in high terms. It may 
sound to be a bad taste for us now, 
but in those days this was quite a fashion 

and study no one took any objection to 

The donor Purgaralcshita appears for 
(lie fust time in the political history of 
Bihar and (hcrcfoie, needs some identifi- 
cation. He is called, Samantadhipatilt., 
overbid of the feudatories, the common 
term to bo found in the inscriptions being 
Mjltdsuinuntti'liilpati. 6 So far as our know- 
ledge goes this is the solitary case where 
the expression Samantiidhlpati occurs in a 
record from Northern India. 9 The terms 
Sam intaihipati, Mahds'amantadhipati, Maha- 
m nunla- Maharaja etc. denote the subordinate 
portion of tiie person concerned, 10 And 
in that case Purnaralcshita was a subordi- 
nate official But who could be his master ? 

The Sarnath inscription of Kumara- 
devi, 11 the queen of the Gahadavala ruler 
Govindacliandra (1114-1155 A. D.) informs 
us that she was the daughter of Pithl- 
pail Devarakshita, who was the son of 
Vallabharaja, 'the lord of broad PlthikaV 2 
Vallabharaja and his son, Devarakshita 
were also called ChikfcSra-Sinda kings. 
They were local rulers with the head- 
quarters around Vajrasana, 13 The second 
part of the record informs us that Deva- 
rakshita was defeated by Mahana, the 
maternal uncle of the Gaud a ' kin* 


RamapSIafc. 1072-1 126 A.D.) 1 '- But Mariana 
got his daughter Sankaradevi married to 
Devarafcshita. Their daughter was Kumara- 
devi." This fact of the subjugation of 
Devarakshita by Mahana is also corro- 
borated by the commentary on the 
Ramacharita of Sandhyakaranandin, the 
contemporary of the Pala ruler Madana- 
pala (c. 1143-1161). The commentary 
explains the term Pithipati as 'lord 'of 
Magadha', which shows that Vallabharaja 
and his son Devarakshita were rulers of 
Ma^adha with Bodhgaya as their head- 
quarters. 16 Devarakshita as a contemporary 
of both Mahana and Kampala, most 
probably did rule in the last quarter of 
the llth century A. D. Unfortunately the 
commentary on the Ramacharita or any 
other^ source does not mention the name 
of Purnarakshita. From his namesake it 
appears that he might have been either 
a brother or a son. As the characters 
of our record are earlier to those of the 
Sarnath inscription of Kumaradevi it may 
be assumed that Purnarakshila was per- 
haps a brother of Devarakshita and there- 
fore, an uncle of Kumaradevi. And as 
Samantadhipati he might have servgd his 
brother Devarakshita, the lord of Maoadha 
Hence like Devarakshita he was afso an 
early contemporary of Ramapala. . 

TEXT 17 

'^'^ai,""'" 43 "~* *: 

Lill3 1 




A l)fl , 

" y kr'taih ghanair=sya jan-aika-&ray-5[kii]laiWl*H] maliibhuuifo 

b]w=mmahati Jjya-sriyato* yaiobhir^lndu-pru . md^ddm^nah cliakara 
yai=ch3ndana-pankaj-archchita n'm tarannatha im m-dhamabhih\ [i3*] Samantadhi- 
pati(e)s-tasya Purnnarakshita-samljnljnah \\-- 

Notes :- 

1 I am thankful to professor Dr. H. H aerial, Dlractor of the MUSJUT. of Indian Art, Bwlin, for 
his kind permission to publish the materials of the Museum, 

2 Most of the sculptures of the madiavnl period from Bihar and Bengal are products of the 
Rajmahal slate, There are still remains of the old querries in these hills. 

3 This shows that the, object of cbmtijn, most ptobably, originated in Bodhgaya where the Buddha' 
attained the Bodlii. 

4 In that case the scsna may the offering of honay by the mankey or simply the 
Vai^ali scene, 

5 In contrast to ths Gintl'iara or Mit'hura style whsre ths drapery of the Buddha is shown in 
folds in the Sarnath style it is shown like wet-cloth, clinging to the body, 

6 See Sircar, Indlai Epigraphy aid Pdaiograp'iy in ths Journal of Ancient Indian History, Vol. IV, 
Parts 1-2, 1970-71, p. 120. 

7 Ths expressions used are mriachstiya, chitlyx-ghara and chetiya-khaVia, etc. See Vogel Ep. Ind., 
Vol. XX, p. 17, 18 and Luders, A List of Brahmi Inscriptions, Ep. Ind., Vol.X, Nos. 1207, 1210, 
1229 etc. 

8 For Mahiismntad'up.'tti Narayaijivjrman, see tha Khalimpur plate of Dharmapiladeva, Ep, Ind., 
Ibid Vol. IV, p. 250. 

9 The term Samantadhipati is given wrongly in the index of Kid., Vol. XVI, p. 391. It is 
Maliaslmentailkipan occuring in the inscription of Vikramaditya VI, see p. 32, 33. 

10 See Sircar, The emperor and the subordiana'te rulers, Vim-Bharati, (1982), p. 19, 20, 21, 23. 

11 See Konow, Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, pp. 319ff. and plate. 

12 "See vfirses 3-6. Pithi or Pijhika as the Vajrasaw-plfha at Bodhgaya. Pithipati has been 
explained in the commentary of the Ramacharita as Magadhadhipa, lord of Magadha or South 
Bihar, See Sircar, Ep. lid., Vol. XXXVI, p. 82. 

13 The Arrna inscription of the regnal year 14 of [the Plla rulsr Madanapila (c. 1143-1161) 
informs us that the Pirti/wrt-Acharya Davasena had his territory including Western Monghyr. So 
after Pithipatts Vallabharaja, Devarakshita and Bhimayaias a family of .Acriaryas became the 
rulers of Magadha, For a detailed description see Sircar, Ibid., Vol. XXXVI, p. 42. 

H For thQ latest chronology of the Pala rulers, see Sircar, The Pala chronology reconsidered in 
ZDMG, Supplement, Vol. Ill, 2, pp. 964-69. 


15 liie flame Kumaiadevi lias been wrongly mentioned by HD.Eanerji as Kumiradevi in Jk 
?5te a/ Mid, p, 46 and by some of the other historians, But Sircar with his usual carefi 
ness uses the correct term, See Sircar,, Vol. XXXVI, p,83, t is really very interesting 
to note that in both the cases where the name Kumaradevi occurs in the Sarnath inscription 
the metre VmMlliM needs a short syllable for m in him, Soe verses 10 and 20, 

16 For the discussion on the Saranl inscription, see also Sircar, op, cit, 

17 From impressions, In the plate accompanying this article the record is shown in three parts, 

18 Expressed by a symbol, 

19 The medial vowel a in sk is not clear in the photo of the impression, 

20 This portion has completely been omited by the scribe, or might have been written on the othei 
side of the sculpture which is missing, 

21 The text is grammatically wrong, 

22 The double ^ is put wrongly here, 

23 Ths portion occurs in the fragment on top, 


S, P, Tewari 

The curious term Sugrihlta-naman 
which is related to the realm of ancient 
Indian Official, dramatic and non-dramatic 
etiquette, figures for the first time as a 
mark of an official etiquette in the JunSgadh 
inscription of Rudradaman, The relevant 
lines of tho record where this term figures 
for more than once in connection with 
the genealogy of Rudradaman, read as 
follows : 

" Tad-idafh rajno mahnkshairapasya 

sugrihita-namnah Svami Chashtanasya pautra- 
[sya rajMh kshitrapasya sugrihiia-namnah 
Svami Jayadamna]h putrasya rajno mctha- 
kshatrapasya gurubhir = abhyasta namno 
Rudradamno "' 

The inscription being of considerable 
interest, particularly for the fact that it 
enjoys the unsurpassed credit of being the 
earliest lithic record composed in a chaste 
classical Sanskrit, diverted the attention 
of almost every lover of Sanskrit litera- 
ture, right from the day of its discovery. 
Since 1838, vvheh it was first edited with 
a translation and small lithograph by James 
Princep, continuosly for a period of more 
than seven decades, the attempts were on 
in improving upon its reading and also 
the translation of the text in general and 
the interpretations of some of its knotty 
terms in particular. 2 Though the term 
sugrihlta-naman its exact meaning and 
also the appropriate application of which 
we plan to reconsider here, on account of 
its familiar and the respectful meaning 

nny certainly not fo classified in the category 
of knotty terms, tho particular application 
of this term and also its meaning to some 
rather far-fetched conclusions by Levi are 
the facts which demand our immediate 
attention here. 

Before referring to the views of Levi 
in this regard and the conclusions he has 
dra'wn, it will not fo out of placjto have 
a cursory look at the rendering offered 
to the term sugrihita-naman by the scholars 
before and after Levi. It is also necessary 
for balancing in our conclusions. 

Sugnhlta-nama James Princep and his 
asso'ciate Pandit Kamalakanta who have 
rendered the term sugnhlta-naman into one 
'who was named' 3 so, were certainly not 
keen to go deeper into the the subtleties 
of this term sines they were occupied with 
the matters of bigger issues. Later on, 
Wilson while revising the said translation 
of Princep rendered the same term as 'of 
well selected name' 1 , Though in the subse- 
quent years of* 1862 5 and 1876 a great 
advance in the reading and the interpre- 
tation of the inscription was made by 
Bhau Daji and Eggeling, since the term 
htgrihlta-naman did not pose much problem 
either on the part of its reading or the 
interpretation, it was rendered into more 
or less the same way as above. Two years 
later when Bhagvanlal Indraji's own text 
and translation was published under the 
editorship of Biihler, in Indian Antiquary' 1 
he explained the term sugrihlta-naman as 
one 'whose name is of auspicious import 1 . 



The same rendering of the term with 
a slight moderation, was ones aaain con- 
firmed by Biihler in the year 1890, when 
he produced the text of the record and 
a translation of a part of it in his famous 
essay written in German. 8 What he ren- 
dered into German could be translated 
as the one 'the utterance of whose name 
brings salvation". It was in this sequel 
that Levi, dealt with not the inscription 
of Rudradaman as a whole, but the actual 
purport of the term sugrihiia-naman along 
with some other terms referred into the 
inscriptions of the Kshatrapas." 

Although as a matter of.chronolo^icat 
sequence, it would have been better to 
review the article of Levi right now, since 
the inscription has been re-edited with an 
elaborate translation covering so many 
terms at a greater length by Kielhorn who 
coincidentally also adheres more to the 
views of previous scholars than that of 
Levi in the matters such as the one under 
discussion, it will not bs improper to 
consider the opinion of Kielhorn as well, 
in this regard. 

Kielhorn, while referring to ,the term 
sugrihita-naman renders it w into one c the 
taking of whose name is auspicious'. 11 In 
order to substantiate his point, he also 
adds a note to his translation where, on 
the authority of good number of literary 
references to this term noticed in the text 
of Harsha Chariia (to which we will have 
a recourse later) he demonstrates fully 
well the actual sense of the verb grahana 
or sugrahana and its forms like grihita or 
sugrihita being that of 'receiving, uttering 
or talcing of etc., ia 

Having glanced, at the antiquity of the 

epigraphical reference to the term sugrihita- 
naman and its interpretations, now it is 
occasion to proceed with the hypothesis 
of Lsvi. 

Sugrihita-nama Levi in his brilliant 
papsr on the theme presented in a most 
cogent, fluent and charming language, 
first of all expresses his partial discord 
with the interpretation of the term offered 
by others including Bshtling in general 
and that of Buhlcr in particular Accor- 
ding to him, 'the exact sense of this ex- 
pression too often rendered by rather 
vajue formulae (of auspicious name, auspi- 
ciously named etc.) seems capable of be- 
ing' more clearly expressed'. 13 In order to 
demonstrate how clearly the phrase sugri- 
hita-naman can be expressed Levi makes 
a commendable effort to survey the major 
part of Sanskrit literature and quote the 
references to sugrihita-naman from the 
various texts. Since, at many places, with 
all regards to the learned Professor, he 
has not only quoted the extracts from the 
texts, but in some cases he has rather 
misquoted and in few cases even misre- 
presented the views of the original authors, 
we deem it proper to review the whole 
issue one after the other. 

With the ulterior motive of arriving 
at his final remark that 'it must have been 
in the time and the court of the Ksha- 
trapas that the vocabulary,, the, technique 
and the first examples of the Sanskrit 
drama and everything connected with it 
were established' 1 ' 1 he asserts that the term 
'sugrihita-naman like sv'amin and bhadramu- 
kha, (all the terms which figure as an 
honorific tittle in the inscriptions of the 
Kshatrapas) belong to the formulary of 
the theatre and things relating to it ! 16 


learned professor is that India as regards 
the archaeological care in the field of 
language and literature, particularly the 
words, their etymology and the antiquity, 
fares far better (and it did fare earlier 
also) than any other country of the world 
(and it's language) elsewhere, Otherwise, 
how it was possible on the part of the 
successors of the early writers to '-preserve' 
the thing they got in succession 'with 
pious fiddly' - a fact which Levi himself 
admits. 05 

Having thus examined all the pros 
and cons of LeVi's hypothesis in general 
and his views regarding -the honorific 
title of Sugrihlta-naman in particular, we 
can sum up the whole issue, in full 
agreement with Kane who had though 
chance enough to examine the views of 
Levi regarding the date of the Natya- 
Sastra but unfortunately had no time and 
space enough at his disposal to elaborate 
his remarks at length and sound Ms 
disagreement with Levi. Since Kane did 
not elaborate his points (which, we have 
tried to dofhere to some extent) some 
of the -later researchers on the Nafya- 


tastra have taken ti.m lightly. But, we 
are sure, if the whole* issue ii reviewed 
in it's entirety taking a'so the pints 
that we have raised into account, the 
real force of Kane's remark will certainly 
be realized. 

Kane ,while referring to the date of 
the NatyaSMra in his introduction to * 
the Sahitya-darpnna of VUvanStha review? 
the main burden of Levi's arguments as 
follows : 

of the 

brilliant manner in which the armaments 
are advanced, and the vigour and confi- 
dence with which they are set forth, the 
theory that the Sanskrit theatre came into 
existence at the court of the Kshatrapas 
and the supplanting of the Prakrits by 
classical Sanskrit was led by the foreign 
Kshatrapas appears, to say the least, 
to fo an imposing structure built 
upon very slender foundations. An 
obvious reply is that the inscription was 
composed by one who was thoroughly 
imbued with the dramatic terminology 
.contained in the Natya-sastra",*' 

Notes :- , 

, P. . '" 85 ' 4and foot not6 

in th8 text - 

!t ' s 8ditar Pfof " Kla!horn 

E hi Vol. 

filled up the 

Wd., introduction, PP. 36-37 and the references cited tharein. 

EsS ays on Mm M&**, Md) by E, Thomas, Loader, 1858, Vol. II p. 58. 

Ibid P 68 Revised translation of the Sah inscription on the Glrnar rock by H. H. Wilson. 

Journal ' Bo*to * <* AsMe S C " ~ V "' P " "* * 
B ArchaeoIogM Su^ey of ft*m Ma report Vol. II. p. 128 ff, 

Vol. VII, p. 261. 

"</ das Alter dcr lichen Kautposstt (Berlin) 1890, p, 63, 




to show a preference for the (so Lo say) 
funeral meaning of the honorific tittle 
sugfthiia-naman, we can visualize them in 
the following order. 

1, Having remarked that 'the authentic 
works 1 of Sana show a preference for 
the (so to say) funeral meaning of the 
title he gathers following quotations 
in his support : 

a) From the Kadambari where uka 
after the death of his father remarks 
that 'if I breath when my father 
sugrihitanainan is dead (evam uparate- 

pi sugfiliita namnl tale yad-ahnm... 


b) Mahaivetfi, recall ing her dead hus- 
band, designates him by these words . 
Demya sugrihita-namnah Pundarikasya 
(smamnii} d&vah sugrihlia-nam'a Pun- 
darlkah.' H 

c) In the Harslwcharita, Rajyavaidhana 
refers to his grand-father as under: 

Taten=aiva sugrihlta-namni tatra 

bhavati pammiam gate pitari kirn 
n=Sk&ri rajyari* i, e . did our father not 
take the government in hand on the 
death of his Mgrihito-tiMan father ? 

d) So, also, the king Harsha himself 
remembering Ins deceased brother-in- 
law, in the same way attaches the 
epithet to his name: Tatra bhnatah 
sugrlhttandmah svargatasya Gralw- 
varmanafy balamitranr*. 

2. In the Mahakuta pillar inscription of 
A, D. 602 the genealogy O f Maiigalefo 
allots the title sugrlhito nSmadhSya to 

his grand father Rapraga. 5 ' 

3. In the Rdjatarangini the demise of 


king Lalitadilya is reported by his 
Prime-Minister as follows : 

Sugrihlt-abhidho raja gatah sa sukfitl 
divam i, e. 'the king sugrihitabhidha, 
the bsneficient has gone to heaven,' 

Before taking up the icvicw of Levi's 
aim at citing the above references to the 
term sugr'hlsa-tiaman (which all figure in 
the context of 'funeral meaning' and to 
which a few more can further be added) 
it is woith noticing the references to 
the term in the contexts of non-funeral 
meaning, he himself cites (to which we 
will have a recourse later) far exceed in 
number than the one cited above. 

Coming to Levi's aim at citing the 
above references with an added preference 
for the funeral meaning of the title, we 
at once, notice the point that he wants 
to bring home. It is nothing but to 
remind us with stress that the original 
sense of the title sugrihita-namf is the 
same as the one expressed in the inscrip- 
tion of Rudradaman in whose court for 
the first time everything of literary Sans- 
krit was introduced and established** 

It is in the same sequel and with 
the same purpose in mind that he ex- 
plains the significance of (he verb grab 
and says that this verb 'which generally 
signifies 'to take', signifies when associated 
with the words such as naman, to use 
mention o, cite', 3 " Here, one may have 
no objection as for the meaning of the 
verb grah in association with naman 
being using, mentioning or citing of 
the name is concerned, because it is in 
perfect agreement with the interpretations 
of the scholars we have cited above, but 
what Levi p ut3 forth as an a ^ 


illusttate his points, certainly seems to fc 
far from the mark. 

In order to illustrate his view of the 
'mention of the name' he quotes the 
following verse from the Uttara Ramacharita 
where Rama having just resolved to put 
away Sita, invokes the Earth, Sugrlva and 
others and adds: Te hi mcmfe mshatmanah 
krltaghnena duratmana. Alayagrihita nama- 
nah spfi&yama iva papmana* 1 "But, indeed 
I think that those great ones are conta- 
minated by having their names mentioned 
by me (who is) so ungrateful and wicked," 

Here, the very association of the word 
grihtta (a fotm of the verb ~gtah} with 
Namanah as far we understand, docs not 
make any note-worthy difference unless 
we think that by applying the word 'men- 
tion', Levi has something more subtle in 
mind which might convey the sense con- 
trary to the honourable mention of a name. 
As far we could ascertain, there is no 
such instruction in the Sanskrit grammar 
also which says that the verb grah when 
associated with the words like naman should 
signify the sense of jugitpsa (abhorrence) 
or akro&a (abuse, calummalion or dishon- 
our). What we understand is that, nama- 
grahaya was an act of addressing any one 
whereas sugrihlta-nama was a particular 
phrase used only when the elders and the 
respectable ones were to be addressed. This 
is why the very fact that how one comes 
to know of his name is described as bhuyah 
bravanena nama-grahanam I e. by constan- 
tly bsing addressed bythe same name (or 
the appslation) one succeeds in receiving, 
taking or grasping his name. 

Regarding the usage of the term gfihita- 
namanah from Bhavabhuti, Levi has not 


only taken it as a custom contrary to 
sugrahana but has al;>o gone further in 
substantiating his views with the help of 
a prescription from Manu. He believes 
that the idea attached to tlw 'mention of 
the name' is the same which is ordained 
by Mann who says that 'an iron nail, 
ten inches long and red hot must be 
driven into the mouth of him who men- 
tions insultingly the mimes and c.iste of 
the twice- born' : Nama-juiigraham iv-esham- 
abhidrdhsna kurvatah. Nikshepy-aydmayah 
&afikur-jvalann-asye dabangulaJf. Further 
on, while stressing at the same issue he 
also cites the examples forwarded by the 
commentator (Medliatithi) on the above 85 . 
Need not to say that Levi finds both the 
expression may'a grilritanamdnah of Bhava- 
bhuti. and nama-jatigraham tvesham-abhi- 
drohena kurvztal) of Manu as analogous. 
But the analogy apart, the iiiterpreation 
he gives to both the phrases, does not 
seem tenable. 

In case of Rama's statement in the 
Uttara Ramacharita what is meant is not 
that since Rama while recalling the above- 
said personnels mentioned them with the 
phrase grihlta-namanah they became con- 
taminated (the meaning which Levi wants 
us to believe) but because of Rama himself 
who thinks that 'I am so sinful that if 
I were to take their names, sin belonging 
to me would, as if, attach itself to them. 36 

Likewise in the prescription of Manu 
the emphasis is not actually laid on the 
phrase nama-jatisraham which Levi wants 
to highlight, but on the phrase abhidrohena 
(meaning insultingly). This is also made 
clear by the commentary which Levi seems 
to have only half consulted or atleast he 
has quoted only the half of it. The 



coinmeniary of Mediiatithi, on the above 
\orsc from Mann reads as follows : 
Nirupapadai'n nama-grihnaii kutsa prayogena 
i'a 'DdvadattukeiF ' Abhidtohena krddhena 
na pranavencF , It says that the afore- 
mentioned punishment should be given to 
the person who mentions the name or the 
caste of (a twice-born) with insult or 
arrogance and not with honour and affec- 
tion, Had he mentioned the name with 
honour and affect i on (pranayena] there was 
no need for the prescription as above. 

Thus, we find that the emphasis is 
laid in both the cases only on tSte terms 
like kritaglinena, durat/nana, maya papmana 
and abhidiokena but not the least on the 
terms like gfihlta-fiamanah or the nama- 
juti-graham which Levi wants us to believe 
and which also forms the bone of his 

Based on the above contentions, Levi 
lands at the following conclusion. He 
says that 'the stigrahana is the contrary 
(contrary to grlhlta-nama and nfima-graha) 
custom ; it is to mention the name of a 
person, (and) more specially a dead person. 38 

Apart from the fallacy of his argument 
on which the above conclusion is based, 
the statement is also not borne out by the 
literary references to the term sugrihita- 
naman (where the custom of sugrahana is 
directly involved) a good number of which 
Levi himself has cited above, 39 and also 
from a few more which will follow in the 

The Mrlchchhakatikam of Sudraka to 
which, even on the analogy of Levi (because 
it refers to the terms like bhadra-mukhcr- 
and raahfriyu u etc,) a date falling nearer 

to the date of Rudradaman may be assigned 
refers to it's hero Charudatta more than 
once with the honorific title of Sugfihlta- 
namd or Sugrilnta namadheyn. Herein, 
first of all the courtesan Vasantasena 
demands from her servant Madanika the 
name of a person whom she has met and 
Madanika replies : 

sokkhtt ajjue sugahida-namaheyo ajja 
Chamdatto nanm tl i. e, My lady ! 'F, 
of auspicious name, is called the noble 
Charudatta'. We find it used a'ain 


in the same manner by [he mother of 
Vasantasena when the judge asks her 
the name -of the friend of her daughter : 

so kkhu satthavtiha vinadattassa tiattio, 

Saaradattassa tatuw, sugahidtmatnaheyo ajja 

Charudatto ndma.^ i, e. "it is the grandson 

of Sarthavaha Vinayadatta, the son of 

Sagardatta, the noble Charudatta sugfilnta* 

namadheya". A point worthy of note here is 

that the appellation siigrihltn-namun is used 

only in case of Charudatta and not in case 

of his ancestors. Whereas if we rely on the 

hypothesis of Levi, who says that 'all (he 

early writers of dramas of the fictions must 

have borrowed such terms from the records 

of the Kshatrapas and sugrcthana is to 

mention more specially the namo of a 

dead person', the title sugrihlta-ndman by 

Sudrafca must have been applied for the 

ancestors of Charudatta first who were 

dead, which is not the case. Not 'only 

this but Sudraka, as if he anticipated in 

advance that someday a doubt regarding 

his originality and* the real purport of the 

term sugnhlta-naman will be raised, has 

taken every care to substantiate the basic 

concept of the term. Therefore, at a later 


stage when the servant of Vasantaseaa 
asks the name of the master of Samvahaka, 
he replies thus : 

SldghanJya namudheya arya Charudatto 
rtama a (i. e. He, of auspicious name 
is called the noble Charudatta) and 
with this, when Vasantasena gets 
thrilled and asks her maid to give him a 
seat immediately, Samvahaka starts won- 
dering in himself and thinks : Kathcim 
arya Charudaliasya nama-safikirtanam-edri&o 
me adarah (How ! by the mere mention 
of the noble Charudatta's nam; they arc 
showing me so much respect). Likewise, 
even later also Sudraka, by referring to 
Charudatta with such appellations as 
tatra bhavanb-Chonidatta" (i e. his honour 
Charudatta) : Sri Charudatta" and dhanna 
nidHti-Charudatta* 1 (i. e. Charudatta, the store 
or righteousness) repeatedly, wants to bring 
the same point home that a sngrilnta-namc,n 
is one 'whose name is of auspicious import' 
or 'the utterance of whose name brings 
good luck 1 as it virtually did in case of 
the Samvahaka of Charudatta. 


"Sugrihita-nama devaS -- Cha'ulra^uptah 
i" ir> 'His majesty Chanduyupia, 
desires it". 

author of Mudrafak- 
shasa who, as Levi himself remarks, is 
inspired by the Mrichchhakatikam, has 
referred to the tittle of sugrihlta-naman 
with the same import. Sarngarava the 
deciple of Chanakya here, who has been 
asked the name of the master of the 
house replies : 

"asmakam upadhyayasya sugrifiita-n'amn- 
arya CMnakyasya' m i. e. 'it is our master 
the noble Chanakya Sugfihlta-n8man'. On 
another occasion, in the same drama, 
the Chamberlain, in proclaiming the royal 
command, expresses himself thus : 

Coming to the Harshacharita of Buna 
and enquiring such references to this title 
as we have not referred to above, a 
number of instances are noticed, At the 
very outset, in the Harshacharita, Vikukshi 
the personal attendant of kins ^iryata, 
introduces himself with due regard to his 
mas ler as under : ' ' Mam - <.tpi tasya de vasya 
sitgriliita-namiuih Saryaiasya 'ajMLCirimim 
bhrityam=avadha!'ayatu bhavnlt m i, e. 'know 
that I am the humble servant of the 
sugrihita-naman >aryata'. Then, follows 
the context where Band comes to seethe 
king Marsha for the first time. This 
particular reference to the term sugi-ihlta- 
naman, because of it's poignancy on account 
of some extra phrases added to it, seems 
to be one of the most appropriate usages 
of this term, we have witnessed so far. 
Moreover, it has also the credit of being 
couched with Sana's personal experience 
which he renders thus : 

Drishtva ch- atnigrihlta iva nigrihlta iva 
sabhilasha iva iripta iva romahchcmucha 
mukhena m unchaim-ananda-vashpavari-bin- 
duii'durad-eva vismaya smerah samachin- 
tayat-so=yam sujunnia, sugrihita-mmc, 

iljasam I'Mih devah paramltvaro 

Harshap 1 i. e. 'having seen him, feeling 
as it were, at once blessed (by the mere 
sight) and checked (by the august appea- 
rance of the king), full of desire and 
yet satisfied with his face horripilatcd 
with awe, and with tears of joy falling 
from his eys, Bana stood at a distance 
smiling in wonder and ' pondered, "This, 
then is the emperor Sri Harsha, that 


union of separate glories - noble in birth 
and of well-chosen auspicious name 1 ' 52 So 
again, though not that elaborated, Bana 
connects the same title with Harsha him- 
self, when his hearers at home press him 
to relate the history of that king : 

asya sugrihitanamnah piinyara&eh , , 
..... charitam khchhamah irdtum . . . 
i.e. -'we wish to hear the achievements 
of this Sugrihlta-naman who is 

rich in merit,' 

Further, Baija again refers to the 
same title and that too with reference 
to king Harsha only when RajyasYi is on 
the point of mounting the funeral pile 
and Kurangika (one of her maids) reports 
the unexpected arrival of Harsha, Rajyafiri 

Kwahgike kena sugrlhitanamnd nama 
gfihitam~amrllamayam-aryasy& H - '0 Kuran- 
gika! who is that who has uttered the 
ambrosial name of our lord, sugrifuta- 
naman T 

Having referred to the name, taking 
of which brings good luck and merit, 
Bana tries to focus on the same, this 
time by showing the negative side of it. 
This figures with reference to the news 
of the sad demise of Grahavarman which 
the messengar wants to break without 
willing to utter the name of the miscreant : 

Nam-api grihnato=syapapakariyah papama- 
lena lipyata iva me jihva i.e. 'as I take 
merely the name of this miscreant my 
tongue seems soiled with a smirch of 
sin'. Indirectly, it means that though 
generally there is no harm in merely 
uttering some one's name, this fellow is 


such a miscreant that in his case even 
the utterance of his name (nam-api 
grihriatd} may soil one's tongue with a 
smirch' of sin, 

After going through a good number 
of literary references to the title sugrHnta- 
naman it is time to recall the basic issues 
raised by Levi, maialy for the purpose 
of arriving at our conclusions. The major 
issue raised by Levi to which we have 
also referred to earlier but only partialy 
is that 'before becoming fixed, with the 
stiffness of dead forms, in the vocabulary 
of theatrical and literary conventions, 
these titles (like sugrilnta-naman and others) 
have, of necessity, done duty in actual 
life. The first writers who transported 
them into the domain of fiction, did not 
invent them, thanks to the miracle of a 
chance coincidence; nor did they go and 
exhume them out of the past, with an 
archaeological f care which India has never 
known; they borrowed them from current 
language and bequeathed them to their 
successors who have preserved them with 
pious fidelity, whilst political events were 
transforming the official protocol around 
them.' 66 

As a supplement to this major issue, 
Levi has, particularly in regard with the 
title sugrihita-naman also raised two minor 
issues. One is that 'the verb grah signi- 
fies when associated with the words such 
as naman, (the sense) of using, mentioning 
or citing the name' (which is) the custom 
contrary to that of sugrahana!" 

The other issue is that 'the real import 
of sugrahana is to mention the name of 
a person, more specially a dead person, 

Regarding the first issue, we have 
already shown (partialy) the fallacy of 


Levi's hypothesis which gets fully disap- 
proved once we go through the references 
from the Harsha Charita, we have cited 
above. Bana has very clearly, though 
figuratively demonstrated the fact that the 
association of the verb gmh with words 
such as naman is not contrary to the custom 
of sugrahana. It is, as if to convince 
those, who have any doubt, he makes 
a full swing of the various usages and 
the associations of the verb grah. This 
is why once before coming to stigrihlta 
lie exhausts all other such words as 
anugrihila and nigrihitu^va.)*' and the next 
time, having tittered the title sugnhita- 
nainnd he adds as nama-grihltain am pit a- 
mayam aryasya This demonstrates fully 
well, that Bana was cautious enough (in 
it's use) and conversant well with 'the 
meaning and other subtleties of the verb 
grah, certainly more than us, and if we 
are permitted to say, even more than the 
sugfihlta-nama Professor Levi. 

Coming to the second issue raised 
by Lcvi, the only thing we have discus- 
sed so far, is the impropriety of his 
correction of the term pratah smaryateas 
pretah smaryate which to the best of our 
understanding, he has done without any 
rhym or reason. In fact, if we adhere 
to the suggestion of Levi, all those who 
have been referred to as Sugrihlta-naman 
above, will fall in the category of pretas, 
which is not true. The meaning of the 
term preta as it is construed in the texts 
of the dhanna-s astral will not suit even 
to those whom Levi himself has (and 
rightly so) held in high esteem. 

Levi's other statement that 'the exa- 
mination of the examples \he will j cite 


will ap(provc) the amendment beyond 
doubt,' is also not proved bejond doubt. 
Il will be an evercise in vain to count 
the number of examples Lcvi has cited 
either in support of his interrelation of 
the title sttgrihUa-nanian with it's funeial 
meaning or for the sake of his prefe- 
rence that 'sitgidhaija is to mention spe- 
cially the name of a dead person', because 
in both the cases examples do not suffice 
to bring the point home. Even if the 
examples were gathered at random a fact 
which may not be denied, the examples 
where the appellation sugrihita-ncimcm is 
used in case of living dignitaries, far 
exceed in number than that of the dead 
personnels. However, from the observa- 
tion of all the examples cited, what comes 
out as a fact is not that what Lcvi has 
tried to emphasize, but what Kielhorn 
and others have explained without making 
much of the reference. In the opinion 
of Kielhorn 'sugrihita-naman is an honou- 
rable title, applied to royal or noble 
personages, both living and deceased'" 

By all means and in all the cases no 
enigma such as that 'the title sngrihita-naman 
is meant specially for the dead persona- 
ges' was ever attached to this title. At 
least this is true in case of all the works 
Levi himself has referred to. Had there 
been any such enigma attached with the 
term sugrihlta-naman the maid of Vasanta- 
seua would have never dared to apply it 
with the name of Charudatta the beloved 
of her own mistress, nor the favourite 
disciple of Chanakya would have ever 
deemed it proper to address his own 
teacher as sugrihlta-naman and made him 
dead 1 The same argument with even an 
added force applies in case ofBana also. 


Could it, under any logic bs deemed 
proper that Biina who styles himself as 
the one who came to see Harsha for 
seeking favour (kalyan-abhinivetil)" 3 will be 
as ignorant as to use the title sugrilnta- 
naman for his master when, it was meant 
specially for addressing the dead persons ? 

Finally, regarding the major issue 
raised by Levi (we have quoted above) 
our humble submission may be construed 
as follows : 

I) Taere is no denying the fact that 
the titles like sugrihita-naman and others, 
before becoming fixed, in the vocabulary 
of theatrical and literary conventions, have, 
of necessity, dons their duty in ac.ual 
life. Oaly thing we may like to add hsre 
is that the span of the actual life did 
not begin with the record engraved in 
150 A. D. nor did it remain confined to 
the life span (and also the domain) of 
its issuer ? 

II) There can also not be two opinions 
about the fact that 'the first writers who 
transported them into the domain of fiction 
did not invent them' but to presume that 
the occurance of such titles on the body 
of the record is only due 'to the miracle 
of a chance coincidence' will certainly be- 
too much of a chance, particularly in case 
of language and literature. 

III) Having said that the early writers 
who have referred the above mentioned 
title(s) did not invent them, to say again, 
that 'they also did not go and exhume 
them out of the past' becomes self con- 
tradictory. Further on, even if we believe 
that 'they (the early writers) borrowed such 
words from current language' which is not 


impossible, nor strange, it is certainly 
strange to believe that the users of the 
current language oil their part inherited 
the same out of a miraculous chance 
coincidence. In our opinion, the theory 
of 'miracle of a change coincidence' as 
regards a language which originates, grows 
further and attains a developed stage, may 
hardly get an universal approval, more 
so in the context of Sanskrit which, as 
agreed on all hands, was already having 
a well systematized grammer (that always 
follows once the language is grown) of 
its own much before the 'miracle' in a the 
form of Rudradaman's record took place 

IV) The statement of Levi that having 
once borrowed such titles and the terms 
from the current language, the early wri- 
ters 'bequjathsd them to their successors 
who have preserved them with pious fide- 
lity', suffers with more than one lacuna. 
The first is that if the early writers 
(early in the sense that their works are 
known to us) could borrow things from 
the current 'language and bequeath the 
same to their successors, how it is not 
possible that the predecessors of the early 
writers also would have not done the 
same? The second lacuna closely linked 
with the first one is that the early wri- 
ters did not borrow it from the past 
because of their lacking on the part of 
'archaeological care' which according to 
Levi India has never known'. 61 We, on 
our part, consider the above remark of 
Levi more as a mark of the fashion 
which was very much in vogue at the 
time the learned professor wrote and less 
as a part of argument which lacks even 
a slender base for it's support, However, 
our humble submission to the charge of 


learned professor is that India as regards 
the archaeological care in the field of 
language and literature, particularly the 
words, their etymology and the antiquity, 
fares far better (and it did fare earlier 
also) than any other country of the world 
(and it's 'language) elsewhere. Otherwise, 
how it was possible on the part of the 
successors of the early writers to 'preserve' 
the thing they got in succession 'with 
pious fiddly' -a fact which Levi himself 
admits." 3 

Having thus examined alt the pros 
and cons of Levi's hypothesis in general 
and his views regarding the honorific 
title of Sugrihita-naman in particular, we 
can sum up the whole issue, in full 
agreement with Kane who had though 
chancs enough to examine the views of 
Levi regarding the date of the Natya- 
tWra but unfortunately had no time and 
space enough at his disposal to elaborate 
his remarks at length and sound his 
disagreement with Levi. Since Kane did 
not elaborate his points (which, we have 
tried to do -here to some extent) some 
of the later researchers on the Ndtya- 


have taken him lightly. But, we 

are sure, if the whole issue is reviewed 
in it's eatirety taking also the points 
that we have raised into account, the 
real force of Kane's remark wilt certainly 
be realized, 

Kane while referring to the date of 
the Nafyatoitra in his introduction to 
the Sahitya-darpaw of ViSvanatha reviews 
the main burden of Levi's arguments as 
follows : 

" --------- ^, Inspiie of the 

brilliant manner in which the arguments 
are advanced, and the vigour and confi- 
dence with which they are set forth, the 
theory that the Sanskrit theatre came into 
existence at the court of the Kshatrapas 
and the supplanting of the Prakrits by 
classical Sanskrit was led by the foreign 
Kshatrapas appears, to say the least, 
to bj an imposing structure built 
upon very slender foundations. An 
obvious reply is that the inscription was 
composed by one who was thoroughly 
imbued with the dramatic terminology 
contained in the Natya-sastra"." 

Notes :- , 

1 Ep. M., Vol. VIII, p. 42. lines 3, 4 and foot note 14 wliarain it's editor Prof. Kielhorn has 
filled up the lacuna in the text, 

2 Ibid., introduction, pp. 36-37 and the references cited therein. 

3 Essays on Indian Antiquities, (edited) by E. Thomas, London 1858, Vol, II p. 58. 

4 Ibid,, p. 68 Revised translation of the Sah inscription on tha Girnar rock by H. H. Wilson. 

5 Journal Bombay branch of Asiatic Sue., Vol. VII, p. 118 ff, 

6 Archaeological Sumy of Western India report Vol. II, p. 128 ff, 

7 M, Ant., Vol. VII, p, 261, 

8 Die Indischen Inschrlften und das Alter far Indischen Kunstpossie (Berlin) 1890, p. 63, 


9 //>/</ see also M. M t Vol. XXXI II, p, S3. 

10 M '1'it. Vol. XXXIII pp. 163-174, Though the original article of Levi was written in French 
which appeared first in the Joumal AnutHquc, 1902, part I, pp. 95-125, we, having^ no access 
to that language and the journal, are referring only to ths English translation (done under the 
direction of Burgess) of that paper tilled 95 'Sown terms in ti\e K$l\(tti'(tpa in,icrwti(W\ 

11 /> Ind, Vol. VIII, p. 46. 

12 ibid., note 1. 

* 13 Ind. Ant, Vol. XXXIII, p. 167. 
" 14 IhiiL, p. 169. 
15 Ibid., p. 165. 

' 16 DaiarOpa ii, 63 defines the term sugjihitabhidhn as follows : 

Rathl suiena ch-flyushmiin pujyaify Mshy-atmaj-anujaft, Vats-ett tatah pujyo* pi sugfiliitabludhas-tu taih 
Apt iabtlit pujyena tishy-atmaj-arwjiix-tat-ett vachyal} so=pi tais = tat-eti sugfihita nama ch-etl.' 

17 Sahitya-darpaiia 431, defines it as sugrtliit-abhidhah piijyah fashy-ddyair-rimgadyate. 

18 Lcvi, op. (it. pp. 165-66. 

19 77ie Trikandasesha by Purushottamadeva, with the commentary called Sai'Mha chandrika, Bombay 
1916, II, 7. 27-28. Since we have not been able to check the entry in the Petersbsrg Dictio- 
nary ourselves, we are not sure as to what edition of the kota was followed by Bohtling and 
subsequently by Levi if ha referred to the koh himself as he has not cited such details in 
his paper. 

20 Levi, op. tit. p. 166. 

21 The commentary of Trikatfatesha (op. cit) explains the term sugrihitanama as the address of 
Mha-kamyaya priitah smaranlyasya piinya-kirtanasya janasya, which we doubt whether Lev! has 
cared to see or if he has seen it he has certainly not taken note of it. 

22 See Monier Williams under the entry pratah(smamnu) and the select references cited theirin. 

23 The Kadambari of Bayabhatta ed. by Parab. K. P. with the commentary of Bhanuchandra, N.S.P. ' 
Bombay 1921 p. 69 r I, 9. cf. commentary which explains the word sugrihltanMni as sugfihitafo 
ssnada grahana yogyaih nama i. e., whether alive or dead, it is an honorific term which always 
precedes the names of elders'. 

24 Ibid. (Ed. by Perterson, Bombay), p. 308, lines 18 and 22. We regret that we could not locate 
this reference in the above quoted edition of the text, 

25 Harslictcharita, (N.S.P, edition,) 1918, p. 179, lines 9-10. 

26 Ibid., p. 233, lines 17-18, 

27 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX p. 16, 1.3 of the text. 

28 Mjatamngiyi, ed. by Stein A. Delhi 1860 (reprint) IV. 362. 

29 Levi, op. cit. p. 169. 

30 Ibid. 


31 Uttara Ratniduirita ed. with notes and translation by Kans P. V., Delhi 1962, I. 48. 

32 Translation of this verse as well as that of other passages quoted above belongs to Uvi only. 

33 Yogasiit/a of PataHjali. 

34 Manusmriti with the manu-bhashya of Medhatjthi, 2 Vois, ed, by Jha 6, N. Calcutta 103?., 
VIII. 271. 

35 Levi, op, dt. p. 167. 

36 Kane, op. cit., notes p. 49, 

37 Manu. op. dt. commentary part. 

38 Levi, op. cit p. 167, 

$& * 

35 Ibid., pp. 165-1 67. For instance, in cotnparision to seven references showing preference, for 
the funeral meaning of the title sugrihitanaman Levi has easily gathered more than twelve other 
references to the same word where it is used in the honorific sense but otherwise, 

40 Levi, op. cit, pp. 163-169'. where Lavi opines that the works referring to the titles like 
, bhadramukha, rashtriya and sugfili'itanMa etc. which are noticad in the records of the Kshatrapas, 

must have borrowed them from the latter and hariM thay may fall nearer to them in date. 

41 Mfichcha (N. S. ed.) Bombay 1310, II. p. 45, 

42 Ibid., IX. 6. ff. p. 208, 

43 Ibid., p. 59. 

44 Ibid. 

45 Ibid., IV 32 ff, p. 111 and VII, 3 ff. p. 159. 

46 Ibid., VI. p. 137. 

47 Ibid., VI. 14. cf. Dm-eva piijaniyav-iha nagaijaih tilaka-bhutau cka. Arya VasantasSna dharma 
nldhid= charudatta$= cha. 

43 Mudrarskslmsa by ViiSakhadatta, ed. by A, Hillebrandt, pt. 1, text. Brestau, 1912. Act. I. 17 ff. 
p. 11. In one of ths manuscripts of the same text, as pointed out by Hillebrandt, the reading 
is found as 'cmugrihHa-namadheya. 

49 Ibid., p. '15. 

50 Harsha., (N. S. ed.) p. 27, 

51 76k/., p. 77. 

52 Ibid, (Tr. of Cowell and Thomas (London 1897) p. 64. 

53 Md.,\>. 91. 

54 Ibid., p. 248. 

55 Ibid., p. 188, See also, Ep. M,Vol. VIII, p, 46, fn, 1 where' Kielhorn remarks that the 
meaning of sugriliita-naman Is well indicated by this passage of the Hanshacharita* 

56 Levi, op. cit p. 169. 


57 W, p, 167, 

58 W, 

59 ()/>, u/, In, 51, 
Oj> ill k 54, 

61 The term /w/aj according to the DkmsMts has a special meaning, It applies to the sou! 
of such dead persons whose iwldk and tojw; is not duly performed, vide ft of fciiw,, 
Vol. IV, pp, 262 If, 

SJ /.)), WJolJIII- M6in, 1, 

S3 flunk p, 62, 

64 Uvl, Op, cit, p, 169, f4 

65 M 

66 r/k- tewkjng, tr, with notes by Ghosh, M, M, Calcutta I960, Vol. I, p, UXXIII-IV 

67 The SMyti-ikwiM of VUwtfa ed, with introduction & notes by Kans, P,V, Bombay, 1923^ 
pp, VIII-IX (introduction), 


R. Tirumalai 

The term Kandulavu occurs in Pandya 
and Travancore Inscriptions to describe 
the erstwhile tenure of some lands granted 
by the king. Sri T. N. Subrahmanyam has 
correctly described this term as "king's 
own lands" (arasanam sonda nilam), 1 
This paper seeks to throw some more 
light on this term. The term ulavu means 
cultivation, and enjoyment, Kandu means 
here direct or personal supervision under 
his very eye. Personal supervision of the 
gross yield at harvest time (obbtitfi) is 
even now termed kandu-mudal-kana. In 
other words it denotes lands held by the 
king for direct cultivation under or 
through his personal supervision. In 
Malayatam the equivalent term is kandu- 

In the nature of things, such lands 
would be comparatively limited in their 
occurrence and their location could be 
close to the capital. Two such instances 
are noticed - one in inscriptions from 
Tirunelveli 2 which was a Pandyan head- 
quarters of the medieval Pandyas 3 and 
another in an inscription from Tiruppa- 
rankunram 4 close to Madurai, the capital. 
The term also occurs in Travancore 
inscriptions. 5 

In the 10th year of MSravarman 
Sundara Pandya, two princes or chieftains, 
Tirunelveli Perumaj and Pandya PerumaJ 
had endowed for a deity of Tirunelveli 
and the goddess for the mid-day service 
(uchchhi sandhi) their kandulavu land in 
Terkukuji in A^ur-nadu. The inscription 

is incomplete and can be assigned to early 
13th century A. D, 6 

The second instance is more detailed. 
In the reign of Sundara Papaya he gran- 
ted lands for maintaining and feeding 11 
biihmaijas who were to recite Sri Rudram 
(3ri Rudradhyayanam) before the Tirunel- 
veli deity on the Mula asterisk, the native 
star of the king. The llBrahma^aswere: 

Maclabo^ai Govinda Bhattaj] 
Inmganti Andan Bhatta Somayaji 
Pagatur Ulagamundaj} Bhattan 
Allur Yagnanarayana 
Sottai Arujljapperumal 
Sibasai Sri Krishna 

Gomatam Bhupati Bhatta Brihaspati 

Set^abosai ArulajapperumaJ Bhattar 

PulJalur Yadava Bhat^ar 

Irunganti Souripperumal Bhatta Soma- 

Vangipuram Nambi Bhattar 

The lands were in Kunrattur a devadana 
village of the deity of Tirunelveli. The 
lands were in the occupied holding (kagi) 
or Malavarayan Tangai-nachchhi, apparently 
a tenant at will, It was under personal 
cultivation (nam-ulavu). It can yield 2 crops 
both kar and piswam and first rate lands 
(tahivarisai-nilam). The lands were located 
to the south of RajarSjav&ykal, west of 
the pathway or channel (vadi) and com- 
prised the following : - 


No. (kaij- 


No. of sey 
or field, 




1 ma 


1/2 " 


mukkani (3/80) 


1 mo 



1 ma 



1/2 na 


1/2 ma 


1 md 


mukkani ami 

(3/80 + 1/160) 



1 mS 


1 wo" 


1/2 ma 


mukkani (3/80) 


1 ' ma (each ?) 



1 ma 


1/2 ras 


its pi (1/80) 


1 ma 

Total v2/ 3/4, 1 ma WHYS' 

The personal cultivation was discontinued 
from the month of Pura}(M. The kada- 
mal was payable together with antarayatn 
to the temple as before, but karanmai 
and tax-yields in cash or as distributed 
among the fields were allocated as $ri 

From this evidence the following in- 
ferences can be made :- \ 

(i) The kaydulavu lands could ba loca- 
ted in dsvadana villages in. which case, 
the land-dues allocated to the temple had 
to be paid to the temple. The full yield 
along with unallocated land-dues share 

could be appropriated by the Icing. In 
the instant case the lands were, though 
belonging to the king or chieftain as Palace 
Estate or as Crown lands, still having 
an holding-claimant Malavarayan Tangai 
Nachchhi, who had, perhaps, agreed to 
pay in lump a share of the yield (pat tarn}. 
But being a* kandulavu land such an 
holding-claimant could be teiminated, syn- 
chronising with the conversion, of the 
tenure from kandulavu to Sri Rudradhya- 
yanaputam granted to the 11 brahmanas. 

Thirdly the lands were scattered over 
seven channels taking off from the main 
channel or tank-sluice. While the average 
size of the individual parcel was 1 ma 
(33 cents) some were even smaller. Also 
for purposes of grant, it could be that 
select parcels were picked out or all par- 
cels under one tenant were granted in the 
aggregate, but they were scattered though 
in fairly close proximity, 

But the lands were capable of growing 
two crops regularly and they were first- 
rate in yield (talaivarisal).* 

A second instancs of kandulavu lands 
also comes from Tirunelveli. This is dated 
in the 8th year of Maravarman Kulas'i- 
khara Pandya. 10 In that year, the supe- 
rintendents of the cultivated lands of the 
sabha of Tirunelveli alias Kulas'ekhara- 
Chaturvedimaagalam (Pannai veil beyvar) 
gave a single deed of conveyance (eka 
pramana) in substitution of several earlier 
ones. The grantees were the brahmana 
residents of Anavaradadana-Chaturvedi- 
mangalam, a brahmana settlement of 24 
bhattas having 24 shares besides 2 shares 
each for the &va and Vishnu temples to 
the west of the $iva temple. The agra- 


ham (brahmana township or settlement) 
was set up by one Kottaiyur Alavandan 
Daivachchhilayar Bha|tan and named after 
a chieftain or prince Anavaradadiina- 

One of the hems of lands conveyed 
to the new bhattas had a history, Irl 
earlier times, there was a rain-fed tank 
collecting surface-drainage and ayacut 
(punakkulam} in Melvembu-nadu in Ayar- 
kujam included area. In that ayacut 
(command area) excluding the land-share 
(karai) enjoyed by one Jatavedan ..... 
the ancestors of sabhaiyar or Kulas'ekh'ara- 
Chaturvedimangalm had given the lands 
to the king as ulavo^i that -is they 
conveyed their cultivating rights to the 
king on a usufructary mortgage in return 
for cash payment. The king had then 
constructed a tank named Panditappereri 6 
and the lands became a ' water-spread, and 
could not be cultivated. Hence in lieu 
of the yield-share the original Brahmana 
holders were given svamibhogam or a 
title share for the ownership of the lands. 
Subsequently this payment of svamibhogam 
was discontinued. The lands under the 
tank newly constructed and the tank were 
appropriated as the Palace Estate or Crown 
lands of the king (piflpm, svamibhogam- 
taramal peruma} kandu\avakki ponda 

In. the lands so constituting the Palace 
Estate the king by a letter had granted 
from the 7th year Chittirai, (/, *., the year 
previous to the date of this inscription) 
l- ! /2 veil or 30 ma as dharmadana to 
the bhattas who had been newly settled 
in Anavaradadana-Chaturvedimangalam. 
The sabhayar of the mother-township 


(Kula^ekhara-Chaturvedimanjalam) confir- 
med such a grant and a share of the 
water-spread (kulum korvai) (i. e., water- 
rights from the lank so granted). The 
new settlers could rane two crops (/car- 
pisanam) and a summer crop also (kuruvai) 
by direct cultivation or by causing the 
lands to be cultivated (payirse\dum t tie)- 
duvittum), and could occupy the house- 
sites or cause them to be occupied (kudi- 
yirundum kudiyinitthiyum). 

The king also issued a command 
that the new settlers were to pay the 
(proportionate) immutable demand (vada- 
klaidamai] of 4-5/8 achchu to the deity of 
Tirunelveli temple. The sabha represen- 
tatives endorsed this obligation, and direc- 
ted payment 11 of other land dues to the 
temple as stipulated by the king. The 
facts set out are self-explanatory. In the 
process of betterment of irrigation facili- 
ties undertaken by the king, even the 
rights of the earlier grantees had apparen- 
tly been overlooked, or ignored after an 
initial period of recompense paid for their 
title-dues (Svamibhogam} as diversion fee 
for conversion of cultivable lands into a 

The parcels of (ka^dulavu} lands in 
the ayacut of Yirapanditapereri in Kunnat- 
tur had survived even upto the 16th 
century. For the Tiruvadi chieftain, Vira 
Mailtan^avarman granted some lands of 
this tenure in the same ayacut to the 
temple in Tirunelveli temple in Kollam 721 
(A.D. 1525). 12 

The third instance come's from Tirup- 
parankunram. 13 This is from the cave on 
the south side of the hill from Umayan- 
dar Temple. It is dated in the 7th year, 


325th day of Maravarman. Sundara Paudya 
I (circa 1224 A. D-), A new deity named 
after the king was installed and a shrine 
built. (The present Umayandar temple), The 
priests supplicated for a grant of land 
for the apparel expenses, temple construc- 
tion works and other needs of the shrine. 
Majavaiiyan, the chieftain endorsed this 
request and suggested the grant of 6 ma 
of double crop lands, and 6 ma of single 
crop lands in all 1/2 veli and 2 ma. The 
lands were the kandulavu lands of the 
king in Pujingimrur, to the east of 
(kilpuram) Viranarayana tank, alias 
Sundarapaij^yapuram. The lands were to 
b3 measured by Malaikudi rod (L. 4, 10) or 
Vasantavai .rod (Lines 33-34 ; 48) and were 
to be localised in a contiguous block on 
one side of the fields (orupakkamadaiya] 
so that they need not be interspsrsed and 
the beneficial enjoyment of both the grant 
lands and of the residue might not be 

"The king granted 12 ma of lauds as 
devadana iraiyili (lands endowed for the 
temple rendered free .from land-dues) 
accordingly together with the land dues, 
kardnmai mlyaichi-jintarayam, marakkdam, 
vettippatiam, panjupVi, scmdivigrahappe^u, 
perumpacl'ikkaval and all other dues. The 
royal officers duly conveyed the grant. 

The effect of the grant was that the 
crown lands in which the king had abso- 
lute rights (without any tenancy or occu- 
pancy) were converted devadana lands. The 
temple could" either directly cultivate the 
lands through tenants at will or through 
creation of occupancy rights. The laud 
dues conveyed include marakkalam i. e. t 


the superintendening fee for lands and 
harvests while the lands were under direct 

There was a similar case of change 
in tenure noticed in Suchmdrani. In 
A. D. 1489, the Tiruvacli chief, Ravivarman 
alias Tiruppappur Mutha Tiruvadi granted 
a land which was a kandulavu or crown 
land irrigated by the south channel of the 
VIrakerala big tank in Tuppaykluidi in 
NaSjil-nadu, released it from his persone] 
cultivation and gav it to PerumaJ Rayar, 
daughter of Arumugappmima}, the first 
service-holder in Sucliindram temple, insti- 
tuting a bath and a special service on his 
birthday-/>8ra//&# asterisk in Ma&l 
month. 14 

The term is also used to denote the 
land under the direct cultivation of the 
deity /'. e , through hired labour under the 
supervision of the temple authorities. One 
such parcel was released from direct culti- 
vation in Saka 1489 (A. D. 1567J from among 
the temple lands of Tenkasi Vi^vanatha- 
svami in later Paijclya times. 16 

Instances of kandulavu lands endowed 
by Pandya kings to temples 16 or converted 
into timvidalyattam pattam 11 also 
occur in the western hamlet of 3rivailcurj- 
tam, and in Kadayanallur. There were 
also some crown lands in the village Nallur 
in Ki] Kala Kurram which were irrigated 
by the Ciiittar river. 

The corresponding term in Malayalam 
is kandukrishi. This term has come to 
be used later even to lands under the 
temple's own direct cultivation (1795 A. D.) 
in the Patfali Copper Scroll of Kollam 
971 a . But its definitive use was to denote 


the horn > farm lands of the king. It occurs 
as such in the Kaciukkarai-olai document 
of Kollam 898 (1722 A D.)- 19 It was an 
year of acute distress and conflict between 
the landholders and the rulers of Travan- 
core and the palac: servants. On account 
of the unbearable exactions of the lands 
in Nanjil-nadu and the deployment of the 
army for revenue exactions the lands were 
left uncultivated and people retreated to 
the east of the mountains. The king him- 
self interceded and patched the dispute. 
But the landholders were in a resolute mood 
and demanded damages for their sufferings 
and those who transgressed their collective 
decisions were called to account, 

Among the lands of various tenures, 
kandulavu lands also occur but these 
lands were also leased (pat {am} at a fixed 
rate of 30 panams per md, as all other 
devadana, brahmidanam lands of special 
tenure, and waste lands. Even the small 
parcels of kandulavu lands were held on 
the same pat tarn terms. Thoujh they were 
the king's own lands in actual cultivation 
they should have been neglected to be rated 
along with waste lands and other endowed 

The lands of this tenure have survi- 
ved right down to our times in the for- 
mer Iravancore State. Dcwan A. Seshiah 
Sastri has described the kandukrishi lands 
as the homefarm lands of the sovereign. 
The lands were theoretically speaking 
cultivated by the sovereign himself. Seed 


and hire for cultivation used to be ad- 
vanced to the actual tenant and recovered 
with interest out of the harvest out of 
which the tenants got for their share gene- 
rally a little more than 1/2 of the uross 
produce. If the lands were held under 
direct cultivation they were tanatu 

If they were leased on a fixed rental the 
lands were on pa}tam sub-tenure. Some 
lands aid even a quitreut or favourable 
assessment to the government. The sove- 
reign could also assign the lands at his 
pleasure free from all levy (itayili or , 
kamolivu}. Kandukrishi tenants, however, 
in strict legal theory, were only tenants- 
at will and they do not and could not 
have any property rights in the lands. 50 
But in actual practice the /><3//am-holders 
of the kandukrishi lands freely bought 
and sold and bequeathed and inherited 
the lands and dealt in land otherwise. 
In the tranferred territory of JCanyakumari 
District, there were 119 acres and 38 cents 
of kanduki'hhi lands. They had earlier 
been transferred to the Government of 
Travanco re-Cochin by the ruler ofTravan- 
core in his proclamation dated 27th May 
1949, and the ruler surrendered all his 
rights to the government. On the States 
Reorganisation Act coming into force, it 
was left to the then Government of 
Madras to appropriately deal with lands 
of this tenure in the Revenue Settlement 
of the transferred territory. 

Notes : 

1 S.I.TMple Inscriptions, Vol. Ill, Pt, 2 p. 412 

2 S,l.I., VolV, Nos.408, 432 end 411 



3 Merman Wabha, a Pi,fra ruler of the early 12th century had a palace p/J at 
Tirunelvcli f7',.U, Vol. VII, Pt,1, pp. 3-4; Kmyakwwi Iwnptionn oj I ml Mi (wt. t 
Part 1 1 1, 308 of 19 

4 A. H. S.I, Vol IV, pp. 43-4, 

5 T.A.S., VolVI, parti, p, 93; ML Vol.V pt,3, p. 223H. ' 

6 S. 1. 1, Vol V, No, 408, 

8 The total would tally on the basis of I m each in fields 5 & 6 roughly to 3/4 vili, but does 
not exactly tally. 

9 S.I.!., Vol, V, No, 432, pp. 157-3, 

10 M, No, 411, p, 138 

11 S.I.L Vol.V, No, 411, p. 138, line 25 

12 ARSJE., 1927, No. 59. 

13 A,S.SJ., Vol, IV, Burgess & Natesa Sastri, pp.434. It should be noted that the lexiographica! 
memory of Tamilnadu in the 19th century has lost sight of the technical and denotative signi- 
ficance of this term, Nelson in his Madura Manual while giving a fiee translation of this insciip- 
tion takes Kanduim to be a field name. Even Burgess & Natesa Sasiri in editing and 
translating this Inscription have not brought out the correct import of this term, 


14 ARIE., 1958-59, No, B 458 I am grateful to the Chief Epigraphist to the Government of India 
for sparing a transcript of this unpublished inscription. (Tenksl kaydulavil ritfukkudutta nilattukku) 

15 5,7,7., Vol.V, 766 Tenkaft. (mm kaqdulamn lirmdu) Also please see ARS1E., 1927* No. 86 
(A.'D. 1557-TiruneIveli) 

16 AIOE., 1959-90, Nos. 379-76 

17 ARSIE., 1917, No. 645 

18 T.A.S., Vol. VI. parti, pp, 93-96 

19 Mi, Vol.V partS, pp. 222-4 

20 T.S.R. Manual, Vol, ill, part I pp, 15-16 


K. G, Krishnan 

These plates have been edited by 
Dr. H, S. Thosar in this journal, Vol. IX, 
1982, pp 1-5. They require to be reedited 
on account of several mistakes including 
the only one pointed out as note 10 on 
page 5. But we are concerned with the 
most important point ignored on account 
of a mistake in the reading of lines 
26-27 of the text, which is of far-reaching 
importance to the history of a minor 
dynasty in Tamil Nadu. 

The plates were issued from a place 
in Tamil Nadu by the Chalukya ruler 
Vikramaditya I. The passage giving this 
information is read as "Ch5la[na]du[m] 
dig-bhage = vasthita Dakauka-gramam= 
adhivasati". The correct reading is Ba- 
Ui\a]d<m] praves"=otakate 'dhirajaman- 

kasramam^ adhivasati", This means that 
'while the Chalukya king was camping at 
Ut[ram]pakam to the east of Adhiraja- 
mangalam in Baiia-nadu'. The place of 
camp was Utrampakkam i. e,, Uttaram- 
pakkam 1 as it will be spelt in Tamil, 
laying to the east of a place called 
Adhirajamangalam in Bana-nadu (i. e,, 
Bana-rashtra or vishaya as occurring in 
early inscriptions of the area), 

Chajukya Vikramaditya I is known to 
have camped at Ura^pura i. e , Ujaiyur 
in the Chela country in the Saka year 
594 from his Savnur and Gadval plates. 2 
This charter indicates that the Chalukya 
Icing moved further north up to Adhi- 

rajamangalam which was the ancient name 
of Tiruvadikai - Ttruvadi for short in 
Cuddalore Taluk, South Arcot District, 
in the same year i. e., 672 A. D. It is 
well-known that sometime between this 
date and c. 680 A. D. Pallavu ParameS- 
varavarman I managed to engage success- 
fully the Chahikya at Peruvajanallur on 
the one hand and employ a wing of his 
army in the north to divert the enemy's 

An inscription 8 of the 9th century in 
Sanskrit engraved on the wall of the 
central shrine in the triple-shrine complex 
(Miivarkoyil) at Kodumbajur in Pudu- 
kkottai District, Tamil Nadu gives the 
genealogy of a line of Velir chiefs. 
Some of them are indicated by titles 
and a few only by names. They ar e 
Viratunga (Paravirajit, Malavajit), Ativira 
(Anupama), Samghakrit, Nripakesari, 
Paradurgamardana (Yatapijit), Samarabhi- 
rama - his wife Anupama, the daughter of 
the Choja king and Bhiiti (Minnimala, 
Vikramakesari). Among these Samarabhi- 
rama killed, as informed additionally by 
the inscription, Chatakki in the battle of 
Adhirajamangala (Adhirajamangal-ajau yo 
nijaghana Chalukkim4ine 5). The sequence 
of the tills Vatapijit, of Paradurgamardana 
and the part played by his son Samarabhi- 
rama in the battle of Adhirajamangalam 
fits very well with the reigns of Pallava 
Narasimhavarman who had the title Yatapi- 
kon^a i-e, one who captured Vatapiand 
of Chalukya Vikramaditya who camped at 



Adhirajamatijalam obviously to engage his 
Pallava counterpart Parame^varavarman I 
respectively. This is based on a presump- 
tion that only one battle was ever foujht 
by the Chalukya and the one referred to 
in the charter is the same as the one 
mentioned in the Kodumbajur inscription. 

The Terabhurni plates give us the 
additional information that Vikramaduya 
camped at Adhirajamaiigala, It is obvious 
that he must have proceeded notth from 
Uragapura towards the Pallava capital and 
Parame&varavarman, the then reigning 
Pallava Icing managed to distract his atten- 
tion by sending a wing of his army else- 
where along the frontiers of the Chalukya 
dominions. The present charter indicates 
the possibility of an engagement at Adhi- 
rajamangalam (Timvadi) between the Cha- 
lukya and the Irukkuvel chief Samarabhi- 
rama evidently a Pallava feudatory. The 
CMJukya might have passed through the 
northern bank of Kayeri taking a south 
western deviation to avoid the Pallava. 
But the Pallava was shrewd enoujh to 
march alonj the flank and charge the 
Chalukya at Peruvajanallur in Lalgudi 
Taluk forcing him to withdraw finally. 

This reconstruction of these events 
have a baring on the history of the 

Irukkuvel house at Kodumbsllur. We have 
fixed Bhuti Vikramakpsari, the son of 
Samarabhirama as a subordinate of Pallava 
Nandivarman III in the first half of the 
ninth century and a contemporary of 
Aditya I (871-898 A D.) on the basis of 
Kilur inscription of Nandivarman.' 1 This 
raises a problem. If the synchronism of 
the camp of Adhirajamangalam with the 
battle of the same name in the Tembhurni 
Plates and the Kodumbajur inscription is 
accepted the life-span of Samarabhirama 
will have to cover too long a period 
i. e., 672 A, D. to 900 A, D, an impossible 
phenomenon ! Either we presume that 
the identity cannot be correct or the 
dates of the Irukkuvel chiefs Samarabhi- 
rama and his son Bhuti (Vikramakesari) 
require revision by predating their acti- 
vities. In the latter case all the consi- 
derations arising out of strong evidence 
including the family connections of these 
chiefs with the Cholas, the evaluation of 
their contributions in the field of archi- 
tecture, sculpture etc.," will have to be 
revised. Since this is equally, if not 
much more, impossible we have to discount 
the possibility of the identity of the 
probable encounter at that place with 
the one mentioned in the Kodumbalur 
inscription. 8 

Notes ;- 

1, This place cannot be identified new. 

2, Ep. !ml, Vol. XXVII, p. 115, Vol. X, p, 

3, SII, Vol. XXIII, No. 129 

4, Fg. hd., Vol. XXXII, pp, 99.J02 

5, tay of to M ai . Basln by 

battle * wwch 

^ ; 



C, T. M. Kotraiah 

A Kannada inscription 1 engraved on a 
black-chlorite slab was exposed during the 
course of excavations 2 undertaken by the 
Mid-Southern Circle of the Archaeological 
Survey of India in the year 1975-76 in 
the 'Hampi Ruins'. Since it is assignable 
to the year 1076 A. D. when king Vikra- 
maditya VI of the dynasty of the Chalukyas 
of Kalyana was ruling, it has an important 
bearing on the history of Hampi, particu- 
larly of the period prior to the founding 
of the Vijayanagara and i ! s empire in 
about 1336 A. D, The same is discussed 
in the following lines. 

This rectangular inscribed slab was 
found in front of an important monument 
locally known as Mahanavami Dibba in 
the citadel area of the metropolis Vijaya- 
nagara, It appears to have been reused 
here, as a floor-slab, probably during the 
Vijayanagara period, fc indicated by the 
structural context at the find-spot of this 
inscribed slab. It must have been done 
so after at least 250 years from the date 
of its issue, since it had lost its impor- 
tance by that time due to the lapse of 
such a long period. Resullantly the major 
part of the inscription is .worn out and 
damaged, particularly the beginning and 
the end. Only four lines, from the seventh 
line to the tenth line, are clear and this 
portion contains important information as 
detailed below. 

The language of the inscription is 
Kannada and the characters are also of 

Kannada assignable to the eleventh cen- 
tury A, D. 

It refers to one SomeSvara who was 
mahapradhana, dandunayaka and Bhattopa- 
dhyaya as donor. It was issued during 
the first year of the Chalukya Vikrama 
era which corresponds to 1076 A.^D. The 
donees were the teachers (upadhyayaru), 
who were engaged in expounding the 
pwanas in this mafha, the name of which 
was either not mentioned or is not availa- 
ble now, as the available inscription is 
only a part. The donation was of 80 
bkki-gadyana or pon-gadyana (eighty gold 
coins), regularly for every year. 

In the first place, its importance is 
the location where it has been found i. e, 
Hampi, This establishes that Himpi was 
already a place of importance and repute 
during the eleventh century A. D. i. e., 
well before the founding of t'.ie Yijayanagara 
empire. Hampi must have had during this 
period, not only reasonable habitation but 
also religious and educational institutions 
like temples and mafias. In these ma f has 
botii teachers and the taujht were living 
and carrying on their professions. This 
tradition continued in the following cen- 
turies also when it became the seat of 
activities of that great saint-poet Harihara 
of Girija Kalyana fame and his associates 
which combined with other political 
factors ultimately led to the rising of 
the Vijayanagara empire which is known 


for its patronage to religions and culture, 

particularly the Vedic. 

Secondly it further confirms that in 
the beginning of his ambitious career, 
Vikramaditya VI was confining his acti- 
vities to the banks of the river Tunga- 
bhadra, in the southern part of the 
Chalukyan kingdom, even when his father 
SomeSvara I was ruling. Further more, 
this is almost one of the first inscrip- 
tions, seen near Tungabhadra, to confirm 
it again, the above point, He must have 
been active in this southern part of the 
Chalukyan kingdom till he was crowned 
ill 1076 A. D. after setting aside his weak 
brother-king SomesSvara II. After this 
event, he must have moved to Kalyana, 
the main capital of that empire and 
asserted his power. Here, it may be re- 
collected that theChoJa king Rajadhiraja I 
in about 1044 A, D. defeated the Chaluk- 
yan armies of this > Vikramaditya and 
demolished their palace at Kampila, on 
the southern bank of Tungabhadra 3 which 
place is at a distance of about 19 kms. 
away from the present find-spot of' the 
above inscription at Hampi. All these go 
to confirm that in the beginning of his 
career, the arena of activities of Vikra- 
maditya VI was on the banks of the 
river Tungabhadra, that too in the vicinity 
of Hampi. So far, this is the first ins- 
cription to be issued by him immediately 
after he overthrew the authority of his 
elder brother, Seme^vara II and assumed 
power. On such an eventful occasion it 
is just logical to think of one of his 
officers issuing such declaring record from 
a place already familiar to him, i. e. 
Hampi on the southern bank of the river 
Tungabhadra and make grants or dona- 


tions to familiar and .favourite instituions 
as in the present case. 

Of course, there is some difficulty in 
fixing up the place where the king was 
camping at the time of issuing this ins- 
cription, since major portions of it are 
not available at present. But basing on 
the find-spot, it can be surmised that at 
the time of issuing this inscription, king 
Vikramaditya Vf was in the vicinity of 
Hampi itself. And without any doubt the 
same formed part of his kingdom, 

The most important point here is that 
this inscription once for all settles that 
king Vikramaditya VI started the Chalukya 
Vikrama era during the cyclic year Nala 
(Anala) and in A. D. 1076. The uncertainly 
whether it was Nala or Pinga^a is now 
over with this inscription coming to light. 

Further this is the first inscription 
of king Vikramaditya VI assignable to his 
first regnal year so far noticed, 

Next, we get the name of Somesvara 
who was not only mahapradhana and 
dandanayaka but also bhafiopadhyaya. 
That is, this Somesvara was an able 
administrator, an efficient general and a 
learned-scholar - all combined in one. In 
this inscription he is the donor, naturally 
for the propagation of religious literature 
(pwanas), in which he had better taste 
probably, himself being a bhattopadhyaya. 

He was known as a subordinate under 
Somesvara II in 1075 A. p *, bearing 
epithets as Mahasamantadhipati, Danda- 
nayaka, Mahapradhana, Herisandhi - vigrahi 
and manevergafe and was eulogised as 
scholar-statesman in the Gadag 1 and 
Kudutam' 6 inscriptions of the 23rd year 



Vikramaditya VI. 1 The titles given to him 
are abhinava-iakalyj, $ig;eda-ratnal<arc, 
ashlhadaba - dharmma - iastra kutala, $/> 
Tribhu vanamalladevai S'-adhya, Muhapra- 
dhana Dandcwayuka, Stimudayyangalu etc., 
The Gadag inscription in particular, 
describes him in about 20 verses both in 
Kannada and Sanskrit. It informs us 
that he was appointed by t'ne kin* as 
his dharmddhlkarin or chief superinten- 
dent of religious affairs and that he was 
a learned and eminent Rigvedi brahmana 
of Mauna-gotra and was the grandson of 
Vamana-bhatta. It further speaks of his 
many virtue's, his high tank in the royal 
palace, his mastery of sacred and secular 
learning, his pious practices and his 
princely benificence, especially in the 
foundation of charity-houses, brahman ic 
endowments, and monasteries for Vedic 
and other studies, Among such establish- 
ments, Lokkiguijdi was one such suitable 
town where he founded a school for the 
study of the Prabhakara doctrines of 
Purva-mmiamsa. The expression Tribhu- 
vanamallade var-aradhyarumappa explains 
that the king Vikramaditya VI treated 
him as a guru with utmost devotion and 
reverence. It is possible that both the 
king and his preceptor might have been 
staying on the banks of Tungabhadra 
when the grant was issued. 

Il is also to be noted that SomeiSvara 
bhattopadhyaya of the present inscription 
might be the same Somesvara bhatta re- 
ferred to in another inscription 7 issued in 
A. D, 1088, March 27th and seen at 
Munirabad 8 , Raichur district, in Karnataka 
wherein he was the chief (Urotfeya) of 
Puligc(also called Vyaghra-grturtct). The anci- 
ent name of this Munirabad continues with 

slight change as Hulige, popular even now 
and this name must bj after the popular 
goddess of the place, Huligemma, a form 
of Durga. The mime Munirabad entered 
official records from the time of the Nizams 
of Hyderabad, As in the former case, 
seme shares of the grant were meant for 
a brahmana (bhatt /) reciting the pwanas. 
The fact that there is not much, distance 
between the two find spots (about 10 kms), 
not much time-gap (about 12 years) bet- 
ween the issuing of these two inscriptions 
and similarity of names as well as simi- 
larity of purposes in the donations makes 
the above surmise a reasonable one if not 
the accurate one. More inscriptions in this 
direction may throw further light in course 
of time. 

The grant is of eighty lokki-gadyana 
ot pon-gadyana, regularly for every year. 
This shows the popularity of the gold 
coins minted by the Chalukyan kings in 
their provincial capital at Lokkigun^i which 
is at a distance of 80 kms. from the 
find-spot of this inscription. The number 
of gold coins so gifted has been mentioned 
both in words and figures in order to 
avoid confusion. 

Finally this inscription is the earliest 
of. the recorded evidences 9 of the mediaeval 
period in respect of the history of Hampi, 
and the first inscription of the Chajukyas 
of Kalyaaa. Here it may also bs remem- 
bered of the architectural evidences 10 which 
can be assigned decidedly to the Western 
Chalukyan school and seen even now in 
the temples of Bhuvaneivari, Pampamba, 
two storied mandapn in the car-street etc. 
of Hampi, which speak of the history of 
Hampi during the of the Chahikyas of 


The date of the inscription as recorded 
in the text is Chalukya Vikrama varshada 
ondaneya Nala samvalsarada Bhadrapada 
bahula Aditysvara. That is, in the cyclic 
year of Nala, on a Sunday, (either panchami 
or dvada&i) of second half of the BhSdra- 
paih month, this grant was- made. This 
corresponds to Sunday, August 2 1st or 28th 
of 1076 A. D. Since the tithi is not men- 
tioned in the inscription and there are 
two Sundays in the second half of the 
month Bhadrapada, it can be either 21st 
or 28th of August. 

But without any ambiguity it is the 
first year of the Chalukya Vikrama era 
started by the king Vikramaditya VI after 
ascending the throne in 1076 A, D. as already 

All these go to establish that Hampi 
was already a place of considerable im- 
portance and activities even during the 
rule of the Chajukyas of Kalyanaand was 
preparing to open a glorious chapter in the 
political, social and cultural history of 
south India. 

TEXT 18 

Lines 1-6 worn out. 

7 raka . . . mahapradhana dantfanayakam SSmeSvara-bhattopadhyayaru Cha - 

8 Jukya Vikrama varshada 1 neya Naja saAvatsarada Bhadrapada bahuja Mtyavara yl 

9 mathado! purfya - vyakhyanamumarii maduv - upadhyayargge [pratijvarsha 

10 yoj kotta Lokki - gadyana eijbattu affikadojaih 80 

11 Worn out. 

Notes :- 

1 A R I E, 1975-76, B-95. 

2 Mian Archneology - A Review for 1975-76 (New Delhi), pp. 20 & 62. 

3 K. A.M. Sastry, A History of South India, (Madras) (1976) pp. 185. 

4 J, F. Fleet : Dynasties of Kan. Distr., p, 443. 

5 Ep. M., Vol. XV, pp. 348 if. 

6 SH., vol. IX, part I, No. 164. 

7 ARIE., 1959-60, pp. 97, B-483. 

8 it may be noted here thai Munirabad, the fmd-spot of this inscription is within a distance of 10 
kms. from that of Hampi, as the crow flies. 

9 The other ones of Hampi are already published vide S. 1. 1., Vol. IV, Nos. 280, pp. 64-57 ; 
A n 5 I E.I 1935, pp. 353. 

10 Devakimjari ; Hampi- (New Delhi) (1970), pp.12, 65 etc. 

11 S. K. Pillai : Indian Ephemeris, Madras (1922) Vol. Ill PP. 165. 

12 l am very much thankful to Dr. K. V. Ramesh. Chief Epigraphist, Archaeolosbl Survey of India 
- Mysore for havmg permitted me to edit ha above inscription and publish h in tha Tgnof 



S. Swaminathan 

Temples have always held the utmost 
attention of mighty rulers and petty chief- 
tains who saw to it that they should be- 
come the rendezvous of religious, spiritual 
and cultural activities of the people over 
whom they ruled, The temple also 
held a pivotal position in the economy 
of national life. 

Religion proved a great cementing 

factor between the ruler and the ruled and 

the temple served the purpose. Royal 

patronage was extended to the arts and 
crafts in the temple. 

The UdvahanathaMmift temple at 
Tirunamananjeri on the northern bank of 
the river Kaveri is a typical Chola tem- 
ple. As many as 28 inscriptions were 
copied in 19 14 and noticed in the Annual 
report of South Indian Epigraphy of that 
year. The temple has a hoary antiquity 
of the past, as the deity is sung by the 
Saivite hymnologists, Appar and Samban- 
dar. 1 Though we do not know when the 
temple actually came into being, but from 
the epigraphs engraved on the walls of 
the temple we can make out that the temple 
was an ancient one. It was origianally 
built of bricks, but from the early phase 
of Parantaka I's reign onwards 2 the temple 
might have been reconstructed with stone. 
SemMyan Mahadevi, the pious queen con- 
"verted this brick temple into a stone 
temple. The religious fervour that domi- 
nanted since the time of Parantaka I and 
Gandaraditya had a profound and far 
reaching effect on her building activities. 

Most of the temples hud been rebuilt 
during the peaceful, prosperous and effec- 
tive reigns of Uitamachoju and Raiaraju I, 
One such temple was the present Udviiha- 
nathasyami temple at Tirumanuujeri, at 
Mayavaram Taluk, Tanjuvur District. This 
temple was converted into a stone temple 
by one Aruran Kamban., her royal agent 3 
and she also made liberal endowments to 
the temple. This ajent hence styled as 
Tirumaqaftjeri Tirukkarruji Pichclwn [the 
person who converted the Tirumaijanjeri 
temple into a stone temple} 1 . But it \us 
not until the reign of Kulottuiya ill thy 
reconstruction of the temple was completed, 
as an epigraph of his refers to the 
gift of a night lamp by Aruiur Katfaiyajj 
Senrmiifl Tolan, who converted the temple 
into a stone 5 [tirukka^rali &aida Ara&iir 
Kadaiyan], Several stones were donated 
as gifts which suggest that the conversion 
of the temple was a gradual process and 
extended over years. 

The temple received liberal endow- 
ments and rich gifts made by merchants, 
queen, royal agents and officials which 
reveal that the temple commanded prestige 
and popularity in the contemporary society. 
Located on the northern bank of the 
river Kaveri, the area was fertile 
and produced surplus grain because of 
the accessibility of water for irrigation. The 
temple was situated in an area of relati- 
vely high population density with agri- 
cultural villages clustered closely together, 
surrounded by intensively cultivated fields,. 


The following table* reveals (he types of gifts received by the temple from the 
days of Parantakci "l in 911, A. D. to Rajaraja III in 1233 A. D. 




9,1 1 A, D. Parantaka I 


987 A. D. Rajaraja f 

991 A. D. Ibid. 

n A. r>. Ibid. 

1001 A. D. Rajaraja I 

1021 A. D. Rajendra I 

1045 A. D. Rajadhiraja I 

1046 A.D. Ibid. 

1128 A. D. Vikramachoja 

1181 A. D. Ibid. 

1182 A, D. Kulotturiga III 

1233 A. D. Rajaraja III 

Gifts of a plate, a trumpet bell, an image of worship by a 

96 sheep to burn a perpetual lamp by a kitchcnmaid of 

Fixing the apportionment of paddy for various rituals 
and services by Se'mbiyai; Mahadevi. 

The above donor ordered that various rituals and 
services should be performed out of 16 kalanjn of gold 
accrued from the temple fund itself. 

Gifts of land in various places for several rituals to 
be done by the wife of one Kaijnamarij;alamudaiyan. 

Sembiyan Mahadevi makes provision by apportioning 
paddy for various rituals and services. 

Gift of 96 sheep by Ambar udaiyaj) marantijtai to 
burn a lamp. 

Gift of gold diadem by Vajuvaraja Muvendave}an. 

The sabha of Gangaikoaddsola - cliaturvedimangalarn 
sold 1488 kuli of land to the temple 

Gift of 3 1/2 ma to feed 1000 devotees. 

Records the gift of land by the members of the 
sabha exempting it from all the taxes. 

Gift of 90 ka&u by Tiruvenkadu udaiyajj to burn a lamp. 

Gift of a lamb, by Tirumulakaijclart 6eramjit6Jafl who 
constructed the temple with stone. 


Gift of 45 ka&u for a lamp and a lampsland by Tiru- 

*Abstract taken from ARSIE. t 1914. 



One significant aspect of the above 
table is that most of the gifts were made 
by the dignitories who possessed such 
high sounding titles like Udaiyan, Kila n and 
Muvendavelan, who wanted to perpetuate 
the Choja rule on the fertile Kaveri basin. 
The temple as per the above table* was 
richly endowed by the members of royal 
family at Tafijavur and landed aristocracy 
of the region who accounted for the 
growth of the temple during the Cho{a 
period. The temple received gold, kd&u 
(coins), land, livestock and utensils. From 
the above table it can bs said with 
certainity that large agrarian tracts were 
acquired by the temple in the form of 
royal endowments and private donations 
to the temple. Since the temple was a 
big land owner it acquired a central place 
in the agrarian economy. The centralisa- 
tion of agrarian activities under the 
institutional supervision of the temple 
resulted in the establishment of an 
elaborate and complex' agrarian system. 
With its resources, the temple would have 
played an important role in the conomic 
activities of the region. It was a common 
practice that whenever land 'was donated 
as gifts to the temple, these lands were 
given to the peasants, who cultivated the 
land and transferred the melvaram to the 
temple which could be utilised for various 
services and rituals to be conducted at 
the temple in the name of the donor. An 
.epigraph of this temple refers to a number 
of gifts of land made for the following 
purposes, 7 

Land gifted for the early morning 
service ia the temple. Another gift of 
land for the construction and for the 
maintenance of a monastery. Land gifted 

for the person who performed worship 
in the temple. . 

Another gift 3 ^ ma of land and 
the produce 700 kalum of paddy should 
he utilised for feeding 1000 devotees in 
the temple. 8 

These evidences only reinforce the 
view that the temple became a chief land 
owner and tlie yields were utilised for 
the stipulated rituals. The surplus of the 
yields were once again diverted to the 
temple for the same purpose. An epigraph 9 
of Seinbiyan Mahadevi refers to the insli- 
tion of services and oifering, for 16 kalanju 
of pan out of which 12 kalanju accrued 
from the [investment] of the temple itself 
and the balance 4 kalanju accrued from 
the paddy [from the lands possessed by 
the temple by way of gifts], 

Large sums of gold and ka&u also 
flowed into the temple treasury, which 
constituted a major source of wealth. 
Although evidences are scanty regarding the 
gift of gold, but as in the case of other 
temples- *in the Kaveri basin the temples 
must have received large quantities of- gold. 
Lands provided a-i effective form of invest- 
ment for temples stock of* gold and ka 

An interesting aspect of this transaction 
was that paddy, the produce of the land 
was used as a standard measuring unit 
with reference to other commodities. 
An epigraph 10 elaborately discusses the 
numerous services and the amount of 
paddy utilised for such services. The 
break-up is as follows : 

16 kalam of paddy to a person who 
performs worship in tie temple. 


1 kiiruni of paddy p:r day for bur.iinj 
4 perpetual lamps, 

4 nali of rice for food offerings to 
the deity during the mid-night. 

For ghee bath 1 kuruni of paddy, 
For curd bath 6 nali of paddy. 
For vegetables 4 nali of paddy, 
For betel leaves 4 nail of paddy. 
From the above record it is evident 

that the expenditure to be incurred for 
various services in the temple was measured 


only in terms of paddy, produced by the 
lands, owned by the temple, which were 
obtained as gifts. It seems that various 
items enumerated above like curd, ghee, 
vegetables, betel leaves and such other items 
required for worship were obtained in 
exchange of paddy. 

Thus, the short study made above, 
reveals the economic and social aspects 
of the environment the temple in the 
medieval period, They are useful for 
reconstructing the economic and social 
history of the region. 

Notes ;- 

1. Appar: DMram, Tirummi 5, No. 11. Sambandar: Dwram Padigam. Tirumncinjeri, 

2. ARSIE., 1914, No. 11 and 14 See also S. R. Balasubramamam Early Cho\ci Temples, p, 188 

3. ARSIE., 1914, No. 10 

4. ML No, 9 

5. ML No. 27 

6. Burton Stein: Integration of the Agrarian system of South Mia, ''Land Control and Social structure 
in Indian History, University of Wisconsin press, Madison, 1969. 

7. ARSIE., 1914, No. 28. 

8. ML NO, 2 ' 

9. ML No. 9 
10, Mi, No. 5, 


S. Subramonia Syer 

The inscription 1 edited here with the 
kind permission of the Chief Epigraph 1st, 
Archaeological Survey of India, Mysore 
was discovered in the course of excava- 
tions conducted by the Excavation branch 
of the Archaeological Survey of India, at 
Kankali Tila, Mathura Tahsil and District, 
Uttar Pradesh, It is engraved on a stone 
slab and contains in all five lines of 
writing. The inscribed area measures 
about 72 cm. in length and 36,5. cm. in 
breadth. Individual letters are about 2.1 cm. 
or slightly more in height though a few 
letters and consonants endowed with vowel 
marks are bigger in size. The inscription 
has suffered damage due to the peeling 
off of the stone at a number of places, 
as a result of which quite a few letters 
are either lost or damaged including a 
part of the date portion and the purport 
of the inscription. 

The characters belong to the Brahmi 
alphabet as used in the inscriptions of 
the Kushap age. From the palaeogra- 
phical point of view, it is noteworthy 
that the letters m> s and h belong to the 
so called Western variety which can be 
compared with corresponding letters found 
in the inscriptions of the Kushanas as 
for instance that of Huvishka, year 40 a , 
etc. Of the numerical symbols, 50, 5 and 
4 occur. 

' The language of the inscription is 
Sanskrit betraying Prakrit influence. The 
date of the record is given as year 50, 4 

evidently of the paksha, the name of Ihe 
season having been lost and the 5th day. 
If the year 50 is assigned to the Suka 
era, the date of the inscription will fall 
in 127-28 A. D. 

The inscription refers itself to the 
reign of the Kushana king Huvishka men- 
tioned as Huveshka who is given the titles 
maharaja and devaputra. I then mentions 
PurohaSalaka 3 the son of Inrabala (i. e. 
Indrabala) who is described as a merchant 
(sarthavaha] and the brother of Bhavadatta. 
Then follow the name Sihijla] and the 
letter [su], with the remaining letters in 
line 3 completely lost. The damaged por- 
tion might probably have contained the 
names of some persons. It is not clear 
in what way Sihila or others were connec- 
ted with the donation, It is difficult to 
conjecture what the rest of line 3 would 
have contained. The -gift given probably 
appears to be a stone slab on which the 
present epigraph is engraved. In the fourth 
line, after the Tetter na which may most 
probably be the instrumental case ending 
of one of the names of the donors figuring 
in line 3 occur the verb nichalakarot whose 
exact meaning is not clear. In this connec- 
tion, one is reminded of the expressions 
achalam - ai&varyaih bhavaiu or achalam= 
aHswryatayam bhavatu occuringin some of 
the inscriptions from Mathura' 1 . Then is 
mentioned Dhanyavarma - vihara to which 
the gift in question was given. The word 
that follows reads as acharyd and may be 
restored as acharyanath. The rest of the 


letters in line 4 compleily lost, the subse- 
quent word, may have fcen Samitiyaimm 
or Mahasahghiyanafti. when connected to 
the following word parigrahe at the gin- 
ning of line 5 it will yield the sense of 
'for the acceptance of Samitiyaor Maha- 
sanghika teachers'. In making the gift, 
the donee or the donees 'were accompanied 


by their parents. The gift was made for 
the welfare and happiness of all sentient 

Dhanyavanna - vihara appears to have 
been located somewhere in Kankali Tila 
from where the present epigraph was dis- 
covered, This vihara is so far not known 
from any other epigraph, 


1 Maha(ha)raja(ja)sya Devaputrasya Huvish[k]asya sa(sarfi)vatsare 50 . . 

2 4 di 5 etasya(syam) (pu)rva(rva)yam(ym) sa(sa)rtthava(va)hasya(hena) hrabala-putrena 

3 bhratrina Pur5ha$alSka(ke)na Sihipa] su [sa]' 

4 [aa] nichalakarod - Dhanyavarma vi[hare] [acha]rya 7 

5 . . . , 8 parigrahe saha mata - pitrib!iya[h*] sarva - satvanarh [hi] B 

Notes :- 

1 This is No. B 256 of A R1E., 1976-77. 

2 Mathm Inscriptions (ed. by Janert), No, 137, pp. 173-74 and pfate. 


3 A similar name Paroha&lika occurs in an inscription from Mathura, Ibid, No, 26, pp, 60-61, 

4 Ibid,; Nos. 60-62, pp. 91-94. 

5 From impressions. 

6 It is not certain how many letters, have been lost. 

7 Restore achSryantith 

8 This may conjecturally bs restored as Samitiyawfo or MahMnghiyanaih 

9 Restore hitctsukhartlwAi bhmtis. 


S. L Shantakumari 

6i or Varanasi, a sacred place of 
hallowed glory has been a centre of great 
attraction for every orthodox Hindu, In 
fact, his life's mission remains incomplete 
until he visits Kafii, takes a dip in the 
Ganga and has the dar&ana of iSri Visva- 
natha. This abiding faith has been there 
from time immemorial till today. For 
those who can not afford a journey to 
this holy place, there is nothing more 
meritorious than visiting nearby $aiva c;n- 
tres and have the satisfaction of having 
visited Kasi. Among the orthodox brah- 
mana families of Karnataka even today 
there is a belief that on a particular day 
in the month of Ma^ha, the Ganga flowes 
into the waters of the local rivers and 
a dip then would help the devout to as 
much merit as for a bath in the real 

Kas"i has been identified with holiness 
itself and thus many places in the south, 
have acquired the name and fame as 
Dakshina Varanasi, In the early history 
of Karnataka we come across scores of 
such places which being the centres of 
temples of Siva were called Dakshina 
Kaii and Dakshina Varanasi. 

We have instances when kings and 
others went to KaSi on pilgrimage and 
made donations and the like in that place, 
People from Kasi also came down to the 
south for variety of reasons. ^ 

A record from SSntigrSma, speaks 
from -instance, a saint or Paramahamsa as 

coming from Kai to Sfmtigrama, the 
present village of the same name in Hassan 
district and installed the deity Varada 
Narasimha, His disciple Acliala PrakaSa 
Svami purchased the village Hiriyur with 
all its income and granted it to the deity. 

More interesting is the copper plate 
grant from Belur 1 dated in Saka 1200 
Bahudhanya, Magha u. 14, vadcla-vfira 
corresponding to 1279 A. D., January 20, 
Its gives e us all the details how the 
Hoysaja king Narasimha III came to the 
rescue of the Hindus residing in KiUi. 
It states that 645 nishkas were given to 
the people- of different regions staying in 
KM to reimburse the tax they were pay- 
ing compulsorily to the Muslim rulers. 
This resembles the jizia tax levied on the 
Hindus by the Muslim rulers. 

It is interesting to note that these 
benefits offered by the king reached not 
the Karnataka people alone but all other 
southern people such asGurjara, Telugas, 
Tulu, Malayala, Ariya i, e. Maharash|rians" 
Gaudia, Tirabliukti. The king also made 
grants for the worship and offerings to 
the god Viiveivara. The money allotted 
for different groups of people such as 
the Karnataka, Teluja, Tulu, Malayala, 
etc., indicate the proportionate popula- 
tion of these different groups inKasi, for 

Karnatagaru were given 30 gadyayas 

Gurjararu 6 gadyanas 

Tigula 65 %adyatias 


Teltiga 35 folyaw and 5 ^ Varanasi Tahsil, dated Vibaffla 1121 3aka 

Tu|u Malaya|a 32 $d)m 1577 Krodlrin corresponding to IKS A, D, s 

Ariya 8 prfjwp It states that the Keladi chiefs Sivappa- 

Tirabhukti IS yifm niyaka and his brother Venkatappa-niyaka 

Gauda 15 ptift^i undertooi the cleaning work of the silt 

m , , , * , , t , i . in tlie tank (KafUhM-tlrtk), 
This is indeed a rare instance ol a kin^ 

coming to the rescue of the people facing T(iese are ^ stray j 1]staiices O f ^ 

difficulties in an alien land, coums teween the Kaillia ^ a people and 

An example of later Kannada lulers the holy place of Hi A close study of 

of the 17th century contributing to the all the inscriptions of Kanaka would 

welfare activities in Kaii comes from really reveal very interesting facts in 'our 

a bilingual inscription from Kapila-dMra, cultural study, 

Notes ;- 

1 & Vol, XV, Bl 298, 


2 Ml, 1963-64, No, B 484. 



M. D. Seimpath 

The three epigraphs under study, being 
edited here with the kind permission of 
the Chief Epigraphist, Mysore were copied 
from Rachanapalle in Anantapur Taluk 
and District. 

The first and the second records are 
engraved on one and the same slab set 
up near a well by the roadside of the 
village. The third epigraph containing a 
damaged portion and slightly illegible 
letters is engraved on another slab set up 
by the roadside. All the three inscriptions 
have been noticed in the Annual Report 
on fndian Epigraphy for the year 1941-42 
as Nos : 69 to 71 of Appendix-B : 

These are written in Kannada language 
and characters of the first half of the 
12th Century A. D. The palaeographical 
and orthographical features of the records 
do not call for any special remarks. 

The first inscription 1 contains 34 lines of 
writing while the second record 8 commenc- 
ing from this line has 32 lines of writing 
in all. A few of the letters of this are 
not clear due to damage. There are alto- 
gether 24 lines of writing in the third 
inscription 3 . The stone on which this 
epigraph is engraved is irregular in shape. 
It is engraved vertically across in a narrow 
strip of space from line 16 onwards. Be- 
sides, a few lines of writing almost of 
the same characters as the one above 
can also be observed. It has no bearing 
with the text at the centre of this damaged 

The primary importance of the first 
inscription lies in the fact that mohd- 
mandaMvm Raviyarasa is referred to as 
the son-in-law (fl//ya) of king Bhuvanai- 

This record is dated in the Chalukya - 
Vikrama era 45, Sarvvari, Jyeshtha, Ama- 
vasya, Sunday and solar eclipse. The only 
solar eclipse that occurred in the_Cyclic 
year Sarvvari was in the month of A^vina. 
While reporting this inscription in the 
Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, the 
cyclic year SSrvvari has been taken as 
correct for the Chalukya-Vikrama era 45 
and suggested 1120 A. D., October 24, 
Sunday as the equivalent date. It is in 
this connection that the da'te of the ins- 
cription is necessarily to be examined. The 
first year of the era has been taken to 
fall between 1076 A.D. and 1077 A.D. 1 Since 
the first year of the Chalukya - Vikrama 
era was current till about tne March 19, 
1077 A. D., the details of the date of our 
record would roughly correspond to Sunday, 
May 7, 1122 A. D. But there was no solar- 
eclipse on this date. The cyclic year was 
'gubhakrit and not Sarvvari as stated in 
the record. 8 

The first inscription commences with 
the invocatory stanza Namas = tumga, etc., 
in lines 1-3. Lines 6-8. staje that Tribhu- 
vanamalla (i. e. Vikramaditya VI) was ruling 
from the capital city of Jayantipura. It 
records the grant of 15 efeyakeyimattar 
of landtooneMallikarjjuna-pandita in the 



service of the god Mallikarjjunadeva at 
Kudiyalli, the headquarters of Kudiyame - 
40 jointly by mahamandale&vara Raviyarasa, 
mahamandaMvam Kelamallarasa and maha- 
mandaMvara Mummadichoiarasa. 

Of the three donors, Raviyarasa is 
also known from the third record wherein 
he is stated to have granted lands etc., 
to one Singarasi - pandita in the service 
of god MulastMuadeva. He is introduced 
in this record in identical passages as in 
the former record in which his relationship 
with Bhuvanaikamaila is stated. He receives 
in both the inscriptions the subordinate 
epithets of samadhigaia pamcha - mahababda, 
maMmandalUvam, vlramahelswa and Ayo- 
dhyapuravaradhibvara. The epithet Ayodhya- 
puravaradhitsvara borne by this chief is 
interesting. In the third epigraph Ravi- 
yarasa referred to as Reviyarasa is probably 
a mistake of the engraver. Though we are 
not aware ofeny daughter of Bhuvanai- 
kamalla - mahaiija /. e., Somiiiswara II, 6 
it may be inferred from the expression 
ollya described in our record, that he had 
a daughter who was given in marriage to 
Raviyarasa. Thus the first inscription 
reveals the name of a hitherto unknown 
son-in-law of the Chajukya emperor Somed- 
wara II. It may be suggested from the 
epithet of Raviyarasa that he might have 
come fiom the Telugu ~ Cliola family. It 
is quite likely that this king must have 
sided with S ernes' vara II against Vilcra- 
maditya VI in the fratricidal wars fought 
between the two during the period of 
accession of t^e latter to the Chajukyan 
throne. Raviyarasa appears to have been 
one of the feudatories of SomeSvara II 
who assisted his overlord. In recognition 
of his services Somes' vara must have given 

his daughter in marriage to Raviyara^ 
to retain the throne this king should !' 
entered into matrimonial alliance with 
Telugu - Chola chief by giving his daujl ; 
in marriage. 

The reference to this chief as a sulv 
nate of Vikramaditya in his record i 
indirect evidence in support of the suc. 
gained by VikramSditya VI in the con- 
dation of his power in the southern re;:- 
Since the record refer to Raviyarasa t 
mahamandaleSvara as late as 1 122 A. i> . 
may. be surmised that he continued 
owe his allegiance to his new master, 

The Telugu - Cholas might have ct ' 
to possess the Kudiyame territory. 1 
record does not, however, refer to his , 
over over this region. 

The third inscription which is ;; 
dated Chalukyn - Vikrama era 45 rcL 
to the rule of Tribuvanamalla (i. e., Vi! i 
maditya VI). Though the cyclic year 
not given, the other details of date \ 
YaiSakha, puijnanie, Sunday seems to su \ 
that this record is earlier in date t'.< 
the first record. On April 23, 1122 A. . 
Sunday, we find Mahamandale&vara Re( R 
viyarasa and mahamandale&vara Mummtiii, 
Chojarasa making gifts of land and 01 ; 
mill to one Sifigarasi -pandita of Kudr- 
[Ji]. This Reviyarasa is undoubtedly i 
same as Raviyarasa of the first rec. .' 
wherein he is described as the son-in-l. 
of Bhuvanaikamalla. If the term ;,' , 
means 'nephew' then it is possible to inu- 
pret that Raviyarasa might have been 
nephew i.e., the son of Suggaladevi,' \\ ; 
is mentioned as a tamge or younger sH, 
of Bhuvanaikamalla in a record of SOUL- 
vara II from Nidugundi dated in 1076 A - 


Another chief who is referred to as 
mahamaqdaleivara is Ketumallarasa. Except 
the first inscription, wherein he figures in 
the feudatory capacity, the other two 
inscriptions does not refer to him at all 
The chiefs Ketamallarasa and Mummadi - 
Cholarasa belong to the Teliyu Ch'oja 
family as they bear the epithets dmagara - 
kulanamdana, Karikal - anvaya, KavSrlnathu, 
etc , characteristic of the family. Further 
they arc described as Oreyur-pura-varadhU- 
vara. The place Oreyur referred to here 
is the same as the present Uraiyur near 
TiruchchirappaJJi in Tamil-nadu. The 
pra&asti commencins with Andurdharavara, 
etc., which is found mentioned in one of the 
records is generally used in all the Telu^u - 
Cliola inscriptions. 

The records referring to these chiefs 
mention their emblem, the peacock and 
their crest, the rampant lion (uttwhga 
simha - lanchhana). 

The second record under review does 
not refer to the name of the reigning 
king. This record dated in the Chalukya - 
Vikrama - era 47, Nandana, Chaitra, Ama- 
vase, Sunday, solar - eclipse also belongs 
to the period of Vikramaditya VI. The 
details of the date are irregular. This record 
refers to three other subordinate chiefs 
dandanayaka Ananthadeva, dandanayaka 


i and iwhumanAiilebvara Milch arasa. 
It registers a grant of one pana from the 
Vaddaravitlu income realised from Kudiyah 
sthaja by Anantade, one p,nni Horn the 
herjjuhka and Inlkode taxes by Sovarasa 
and also a grant of land, garden, oil-mill 
etc., for the purpose of a perpetual lamp 
to the deity Mallikarjjunadeva of Kudiya- 
pcya - sthaja. Anantadeva referred to in 
our recoid maybe identified with Ananta- 
pala, the famous general and minister of 
Vikramadiiya VI. This identification is 
supported by a number of epigraphs more 
so from a record of 1118 A. D,, from 
Kommuru in Guntur District 8 which states 
that he was ruling from VengI - fourteen 
thousand. The identification of Macharasa 
with Machimayya-nayaka of the Appikoada 
record 9 is doubtful since the area over 
which Machimayya-nayaka ruled is entirely 
different and far away from the place 
Kudiyapeya - sthaja. The tract Kudiyape - 
forty comprised the areas oftheDharma- 
varam and Anantapur Taluks. Kudiyape- 
4o, the division in which the village 
Togarikuijte is stated to have been situated 
according to a record of Vikramaditya VI 10 
is the region aroundTogarakutjta'in Dharraa- 
varam Taluk of Anantapur District. Kucli- 
yalli, the headquarters of Kudiyame-40 
may probably be identified with Rr J " 
in Anantapur Taluk and District 



First Inscription 

1 Nama[s=tu]nga Sirah ch = churhbi chamdra cha - 

2 mara cha rave Trailokya - nagar = ararhbha mu - 

3 la-starhbhaya Sambhave svasti samasta - bhuvan - a- 


4 iraya ki - pri(pri)thvivallabha maharajadhiraja para - 

5 medvara paramabhattarakam Satyas($)raya - Icuja - tijakam Chaju - 

6 ky = abharaijarh Srimat = Tribhuvanamalladevara vijayarajya - 

7 m = uttar = ottar - abhivriddhi - pravarddhamanam = achamdr - arkka tarambaram sa 

8 luttam = iralu Jayathtipurada nelavidino}u sukha - samkatavino - 

9 dadim lijyara geyyuttamire Svasti samadhigata - pathcha - mahaiabda mahama - 

10 Njajeivara AySdhya - pura - var = adhls()vara vira - mahelvara Belva[na}a] - aha - - 

11 va sahasa paribajamalla jayad - uttaramgaih baratara bavam samasta- 

12 rajyas(^)rayam samasta prasa(ia)sti sahitara fciman - ma(raa)ha - mandaje^varam 

13 Bhuvanaikamalla - maharajar = aliyam Raviyarasarum .... 

14 svasti vara bhujSsi bhasura prachanda - pradyotita dinakara - kula - 

15 namdanarii sukadhi suka pajita namdanam Kafyapa - gotra Karikal - anvaya 

16 satyaradhitaneyam Kaverinatha bandhujana pa-re - ghosha - 

17 nam prasarma - gu^aratna - bhushaijam mafcara - dhvajam vividha vi - 

18 dya - virirhchanam = uttuthga simha - larachanan = Oreyurp -pura varadhi - 

19 ^varam kirttigadh ~ i^vara iiatru - para surekaram [ka]Jadamkakaj;ajn-arvva[le]Ju- 

20 [Yu]m malevaraiikukm namadi samasta prase(ta)sti - saliitam iriman - maha - 

21 maijtiajeSvaram Ketamallarasarurh iriman - mahamandaje^varam Muthmad. i - 

22 Choj^rasaruth i svasti iri Chajukya - vikrama varshada 45 neya Sarvvari - 

23 samvatsarada Jai(Jye)shtad - amavasya Adivaradamdu Somagrahana nimittavagi 

24 Kudiya[me]nalavattara rajadhani Kudiyalliya ^ri Mallikarjunadevargge . . 

25 [yarasara] Mallikarjuna - paijditargge dharapurvvakam madi . . 

26 .... bitta ereyakcyimattaru 15 

27 dharmmavan a ... yum pratipali[si]da 

28 . . Kurukshetra ^Prayageyalu 

29 kayile. . . 

30 durh kajagu ma kasidu na - 

31 tta phajada hodan - ajida Varanasi 

32 .ya dvi - bralimaijaru dosha . . 


33 Svadattam paradattam va yo hareta vasumdhara shashtir = varisha - 

34 sahasrayaA mishtayam jayate krimi Svasti ia 

Second Inscription 

35 Srimacb = Chajukya - vikrama - variSa(sha)da 47 neya sraheya Naradana - 

36 samvatsarada Chaitrad = amavasey - Adivaradariidu suryya - graha - 

37 na - nimittavagi ^rimad = datjdanayakan = Anantadevam kl - Mallikarjunadevara na - 

38 ndadivige Kudiyali - stala[deya] vaddaravulada . , ga}e bitta paija 1 Srimad = 
danda - 

39 nayakam S5varasaru Kudiyapeya - stajada Mallikarjuna - devara nanda - 

40 divigege herjju[m*]kadalli [guttage] bitta paija 1 mahamaijdaje - 

41 Svarath Macharasaru Ku- 

42 cliyapeya - staja - 

43 da Mallikarjjuna - 

44 matfadira nandadivi- 

45 gege bitta 


47 hajjada bada- 

48 gada bayalu 

49 huvina gida - 

50 vimge bi||a to - 

51 ta mattaru 1 

52 nandadivigege 

53 bitta ga^a 1 

54 gaijadamane 

55 yofagagt bi- 

56 tta mane 4 . . 

57 rinalu bitta ' 

58 ele 50 

59 Bahubil? - uva(r=vva) 


60 sudha datta ra - 

61 jabhih Sagara - 

62 dibhil? [*i] yasya 

63 yasya ya- 

64 da bhumis = ta - 

65 sya tasya ta- 

66 daphatam(m) [*1 

Third Inscription 

1 Saraasta - bhuvanasra(-araya) in - prithvivallabha - ma. . . 

2 meSvara - pararaabha^taraka Satyasra(ra) - 

3 kyabharanam irimat = Tribluivandmalla - 

4 ttar = ottar = abhivjiddhi pravarddhamanam = [a] 

5 chatfadr - arkkataram lbha](ba)[rarfa] saluttam = ire Svasli samadhigata pamclia- 
mahasa(a)bda [mahama*] - 

6 ijdaliSvara [A]yodliy3-pura-varadhiivara viramahe^vara Belvanegaljal - ira - 
* 7 . hatan - ahava sahasa paribajamalla jayad - uttaramga [ja] - 

8 ... [vamjsamasta rajasra(^ra) yam namadi samasta prasa(k)sti sahi - 

9 . . man - ma[ha]mari^aje^vararh Reviyarasaru u svasti 

10 , . . pradyotita dinafcara kulanarfidana Suka Vipula - 

11 namdanam Kaiyapa-gctrarix nri(n r i)pakuja - pavitraih Karikfil - anvaya 

12 taneyam Kaveri-nfithaih bandhujana - parijatam kam - 

13 ...', goshaijaA prasanna guntaratna - bh^a(sha)tjarh sikhi - sikha - 

14 mafcara - dhva[jam] vividha vidyaviriAchanan = uttum. . 

15 lamchana[n-0]reyura - pura-varadhisvaram Kirttigadhi ... 

16 Sriman - mahama^daje - 

17 ivara [Mu*]mmadi-Ch5[larasaru] 

18 [Cha*]Jukya - [Vikrama] varishada 45- 

19 [neya] Vai^akhada putj^ame Adi- 

20 [tyavaradali] Mulasthanada 

21 [de*]varige [Kudiyaji] Simgarasi - patjditargge biJta nigara ffiatta [ru*] 


22 gaija 1 saha 1 tosojjahefim ye- 

23 , vudu yi(ye) da(dha)rmma kavanu vii * 

24 ra kavileyam vadegada dosajkkef 

Notes :- 

1 ARSIE., 1941-42, Nos, B. 69. 

2 ML No. 70. 

3 Ibid., No. 71. 

4 % M, Vol. XXXVIII, p,106, 

5 B.R Gopal refers (Kamcituka Inscriptions, Vol. VI, p, 45] to an inscription from Nagavanda, Hire- 
kerur Taluk, Dharwar District belonging to Ch|ukya Vikrama era 45, Sirwarl as the one falling 
in thB reign period of Vikramaditya VI, Talcing the date of Ra'ibag inscription as Vta'ditya 
Vl's first yaar, the details of the date given for this record are irregular for that year and for the 
previous years too, 

6 B.R. Gopal, The Ch&lukyas of Kalfann, p. 245, 

7 ARIE,, 1961-62, No, B. 566, 

8 S.U, Vol. IX, pt, I, No. 196. 

9 ARSIE,, 194142, No. B. 2, 

10 U/., Vol. IX, pt. I, No. 221. 

11 From impressions. 

12 The second inscription commences from line 34 onwards, 

13 The inscription abruptly stops here. 



Abdul Huq and Gift Siromoney 

1. Introduction 

One of the questions frequently asked 
about the Indus script is whether it re- 
presents any systematic writing at all. Even 
those who agree that the writings of the, 
Harappan Civilization are not a haphazard 
arrangement of signs are at variance with 
one another regarding the language of the 
script 1 . Our purpose in the area of 
Harappan studies is to analyse the script 
in order to bring out the statistical struc- 
ture 2 , of the texts. 

To understand the semantic connec- 
tion between words in modern languages, 
it is the practice 3 to examine the habitual 
collocation of items and to investigate 
the level of gradation in collocability with 
reference to a given word. 

In this paper, we make use of the 
tables of frequencies of pairs that Maha- 
devan has presented in his Concordance* 
and examine whether the proximity between 
the signs forming a pair could be attribu- 
ted to chance or not 5 . Mahadevan has 
studied seven terminal signs and interpre- 
ted them as ideograms 6 , 

Here we are mainly in the jar (B) 
and the lance (E) signs (Table 1) and their 
association with the other signs. The choice 
of the jar is due to the fact that it is 
the most frequently occurring sign in the 
Indus texts. Another reason is that it 
has received more than its share of inter- 
pretations. It has been variously interpre- 

ted as representing Ur and as an affix 
or suffix and also as a determinative or 


The lance is another terminal sign 
which seems to ta functionally similar 
to the jar. We examine the pairs that 
each of these two signs form with sixty- 
five other common signs, which occur 
more than fifty times. 

If a pair of signs occurs a large 
number of times, it is often concluded 
that there is some association or affinity 
between the two signs. In this paper, we 
go a step further and measure the extent 
of affinity. Our analysis is based on the 
fact that how large the frequency of a 
pair is, depends on how otten each of the 
two signs occurs in pairs in that position. 
It enables one to develop an index, which 
measures the level of attraction or repul- 
sion (or the lack of either) between two 
signs occurring" next to each other.- 

2, Measurement of affinity and antiaffimty 

Let us consider a specific example. 
Of the 9780 pairs listed in the concor- 
dance jar follows fish 44 times, 1332 pairs 
have jar on the left and 324 pairs have 
fish on the right. Hence we sea that about 
14% of all the pairs have jar on 
their left and consequently we would expect, 
in all the pairs with fish (F) on. the right 
the sign on the left must fo jar (B) 
14% of times (i. e. 44 times], if there 
is no ground for attraction or repulsion 



between the two signs. The number obtai- 
ned in this way under the hypothesis of 
cjancs is referred to as the theoretical 

In this example we see that the obser- 
ved frequency coincided with the theoreti- 
cal frequency, leading to the conclusion 
that the occurrence of the pair BF(y'ar4- 
fish) is purely due to chance. Usually there 
will be a discrepancy between the two 
frequencies, which provides a measure of 
departure from the hypothesis of chance. 
On the basis of this discrepancy, we con- 
struct an index, Whose value varies from 
100 to 100. The numerical value of the 
index specifies the confidence with which 
we reject the hypothesis of chance and 
the direction of the index indicates the 
hypothesis favoured by the empirical evi- 
dence. If the index is positive, it is 
favourable to the hypothesis of affinity 
and if it is negative, it goes in favour 
of the hypothesis of antiaflinity. 

To consider another example, the pair 
BV(jtor4 harrow] has an index value of 
97, It means that there is a 97% chance 
that there is affinity between jar and harrow 
signs. On the other hand, the pair BA 
( jar 1- mortar) has an index value of -97. 
It follows that there is. a 97% chance 
that there is some sort of repulsion between 
the two signs forminj the pair. 
3. The ;'0r sign 

The jar(B), the lance(E) and the harrow 
(V) are some of the most common signs 
that occur in the terminal position of a 
text, either alone or with one or two 
terminal signs. An analysis like this should 
show that pairs made up of certain termi- 

nal signs should .have a high value for 
the index of affinity. This happens with 
reference to certain pairs. For example, 
BV, BV, BD whore D is the forked mortar, 
have values ranging 'from 97 to 100 for 
the index of affinity. On the other hand, 
we do not expect B(y'ar) sign to occur 
together with initial signs, the index must 
show antiaffiuity and that is exactly what 
happens in the following pairs, BP, BQ, 
and BR where P is the diamond, Q is the 
double stroke and R is the wheel sign 
respectively. For the index, they have 
the value -100 each. Even though the first 
pair actually occurs eleven times, it is far 
too low compared to the expected fre- 
quency of ,48, if their occurrence is purely 
due to chance. 

One would expect the jar to have 
affinity with most of the signs occurring 
in the medial position. 'However the 
following pairs formed with the fish signs, 
namely G, H, I and J where G, H, I and J 
are one-eyed fish, slashed fish, capped fish, 
and horned ft\h respectively, show an an- 
tiaffinity with the index ranging from- 100 
to 95. This is surprising. The following 
pairs also have high antiaffinity : FB, HB, 
IB and JB. However this can ba explained 
in a different manner. Such pairs occur 
hardly two or three times in the text. 
It is quite possible that the text ends 
(read from right to left) at the terminal 
sign namely the iar sign, and a new text 
begins with the fish sign 

The following pairs have art affinity 
index of 100 : BK and BM, where K and 
M are the fat crab and the open path 
signs respectively. These should be com- 
pared with the following pairs, which have 
a high index of antiaflinity : BLandBN 


where L and N are the lean crab and the 
dosed path respectively. This shows that 
even though the fai crab and the lean crab 
as well as the open path and the closed 
path signs look alike, they are not mutually 
interchangeable. The pair BB which occurs 
only once has an expected frequency of 
56 and hence has an index of -100 showing 
antiaffmity between members of the pair. 
Either the right sign occurs there by error 
or the same sign is used in a different 


4. The lance sign 

As pointed out earlier, the lance sign 
(E) is also a frequently occurring terminal 
. sign. It does not occur together at all 
with the jar(B) sign, which is another 
terminal sign. The pairs EB and BE have 
a negative value for index, showing that 
they have antiaffmity and in Mahadevan's 
Concordance they have only zero frequency. 
However the lance occurs together with 
the harrow(V) sign. The pairs EV and VE 
have an index of affinity of 100. With 
the common initial signs, it has antiaffi- 
nity as one would expect : EP, EC and ER. 

This being a terminal sign, one would 
expect it to have affinity with most of 
the medial signs. In fact, the lance(E) 
has affinity with four of the fish signs. 
The following pairs have a high positive 
value for the index : EF, EH, El and EJ. 
However, its occurring together with the 
fifth fish sign, namely capped fish, could 
be mainly due to chance. On the other 
hand, we wish to recall the Fact that the 
jar sign did not have any affinity with 
the following fish signs : G, H, I and J. 
Therefore it is clear that the jar and the 
lance signs are not mutually interchange- 

able. Any one who tries to give values, 
phonetic or alphabetic, to the signs must 
be able to explain this and such differences, 
which are brought out by a study of this 

5. Right and left affinity 

When two signs the jar(E) and the 
forked jar(D] occur together forming the 
pair BD, given that the right sign is D, 
what are the chances that the left sign 
is B?. In other words, what is the left 
affinity of the forked jar withfyespect 1o 
the jar on its left ? The index of the 
left affinity is 97. That "is, given that D 
is on the right, in 97% of cases, it 
will be followed by B. In contrast to 
this, the right affinity index of the jar 
is only 8. i. e. given that the jar has 
occurred, there is only 8% change 
that it is preceded by the forked jar, 
Similarly, in the pair BV, the left affinity 
index of the harrow is 26, while the right 
affinity of the jar is only 1%. The 
following pairs have a high value for 
the affinity index discussed earlier : BS, 
BK, BT and BU, where S, K, T and U 
denote the deity, the fat crab, the crown 
and the hill signs respectively. In all the 
four pairs, the jar sign has a very low 
value for the right affinity index, which 
ranges from 1 to 7. All the signs on the 
right side have much large values for their 
left affinity towards the jar sign. These 
values range from 30 to 93. The left 
index values for the deity, the fat crab, 
the crown and hill signs are 93, 33, 51 and 
30 respectively. Any one who interprets 
and gives values to the Indus signs will 
have to account for these and other 



6, Conclusion 

In this paper, we have considered 
those pairs of signs which include either 
the jar or the lance signs. A paper deal- 
ing with the analysis of pairs containing 
a large set of signs will be presented, 
elsewhere, We propose to computerize 
many of the calculations and extend the 
study from pairs to triplets of signs, 

We wish to thank all our colleagues 
in the Department of Statistics, Madras 
Christian College, especially Mr, S Govinda- 
raj u and Mr, L, Doiaipandian for their 
assistance during the preparation of the 
paper. We aie grateful to the Department 
of Science and Technology for their 
financial support. 

Notes > 

1 Iravatham Mahadevan, Dravidian Parallels in Pfoto-lndian script, Journal oj Tamil Studies, Vol. 1, 

No, 1, May 1970, pp. 157-275. S. R. Rao, The Decipherment of the Indus Script, Asia Publi- 
shing House, Bombay, 1982, M. V. N, Krishna Rao, Indus Script Dttiph&tid, Agam Kala Prakashan, 
New Delhi, 1982, 

2 Gift Siromoney, Classification of frequently occurring inscriptions of Indus civilization in relation 
of metropolitan cities, STAT-45/80 (mimeo), Paper presenter! at the seventh annual Congress 
of the Epigraph'ical Society of India, Calcutta, January 1981. Gift Siromoney and Abdul Huq, 
Cluster analysis of Indus signs . a computer approach, Proceedings ' of the Fifth International 
Conference - Sjninar of Tamil Studies, Madurai, 1981, Vol. 1, pp. 2.15-2,23, Gift Siromoney 
and Abdul Huq, Segmentation of unusually long texts of Indus writings: a mathematical 
approach, Journal of the Epigmphical Society of India, Vol. 9, pp, 68-77, 

3 G.L, M. Berry-Rogghe, The computation of collocations and their relevance to lexical studies, 
The Computer and Literal y Studies, A. J, Aiten et a!, Ed,, Edinburgh University Press, 
Edinburgh, 1973, pp. 103-112, 

4 Iravatham Mahadevan The Indus Script: ftxts, Coiwofdunw ml Tables, Memoirs of Arckeological 
Sumy oj Mia, New Delhi, 1977. 

5 Abdul Huq Mathematical Analysis of the Mus Script, M. Phil dissertation, Madras, 1983, 

6 Iravatham Mahadevan, Terminal ideograms in the Indus Script, Harappan Ctvifaation, Gregory 
L. Possehl, Oxford and IBH Publishing Co,, New Delhi, 1982, pp. 311-317. _ 

7 John E. Mitchinsr, Studies in the Indus Valhy Inscriptions, Oxford and IBH Publishing Co,, 

New Delhi, 1978. 


S, K. Bajpai 

During the month of August, 1982 a 
hoard containing twenty seven copper plate 
inscriptions was found in village Bagh- 
Resawala, situated in the Kukshi Tahsil 
of Dhar district in Madhya Pradesh. While 
ploughing, the plates were unearthed by 
two persons Kuwar Singh and Gulab Singh 
who divided the hoard and tried to sell 
it at Kukshi and Indore. Getting infor- 
mation, the District Police of Dhar seized 
all the copper plates along with a piece 
of container, and kept it deposited in the 
Police Station, Under Indian Treasure 
Trove Act of 1878, the Collector, infor- 
med the matter to the Archeology and 
Museums, Govt. of Madhya Pradesh and 
handed over the antiquities for preserva- 
tion in the museum. 

The copper plates in question are 
found badly effected on account of soil 
deposition. Therefore these are being chemi- 
cally treated in the departmental labora- 
tory. Following is the brief report of 
examination and observation made by the 

Out of the twenty seven copper plates, 
only two are cut into two parts, the 
remaining well preserved, They measure 
approximately 17 to 33 cm. in length, 10 
to 14 cm. in breadth and 2.5 to 232mm. 
in 'thickness. The inscriptions incised on 
different plates range from 7 to 12 lines. 

The character are Brahmi of about 
the 4-5 th century A. D. The language is 
Sanskrit. * 

All the grants are issued from Valkha, 
Their main object is to record the assent 
of Parumabhat(5raka ruler on the gift of 
a field termed as brahmndeya. The donees 
belong to various gotras. Besides geogra- 
phically locating the donated field and 
the village, a few grants also refer to the 
territorial division of Dat,ilakapalli rastra 
near the river Narmada, 

The records belonging to different 
rulers may by classified as under. 

Thirteen plates mention the name of 
Maharaja Bhulundd. Ten plates are dated 
respectively in the years 47, 55, 56, 57, 59, 
104 and 107 and the date of remaining 
three are not clear. Maharaja Svamidasa 
is mentioned in five plates, four of them 
belonging to years 63, 65 and 68 and the 
year of the fifth plate is not clear. A special 
feature about the hoard is that it brings to 
light two new rulers of the dynasty, Bhatta- 
raka and Nagabhata unknown to history till 
now. The grants of the first one correspond 
to years 29 and 36 while the dates of 
the latter one are not readable, The rest of 
the five plates belong to Rudradasa. Four 
of them have the years 66, 69, 7^ and 
108 and the date in the fifth is not clear. 
Excepting one copperplate, the remaining 
'have signatures of rulers on the left hand 
margin of the plates. A descriptive list 
of each copper plate is given below. 

Before the discovery of the present 
hoard, only eight grants of this dynasty 
were known and their genealogy 1 was 
constructed tentatively as under : 


1. Bhulunda I 

2. Rudradasa I 

3. Svamidasa 

4. Bhutunda II 

5. Rudradasa II 

6. Subandhu 

Year 38-47 (77? f 
Year 67 
Year 67 
Year 107 
Year 117 
Year 167 

In the light of the new discovery 
the old theory will have to be revised. 
The grants of Bhattaralca and Nagabhata 
are found for the first time, The date 
of Bhattaralca puts him as the predeces- 
sor of Bhulanda I. The ruling year of 
Nagabhata is not yel dear. Therefore, his 
period still remains doubtful. On the 
basis of these dates, the genealogy of the 
rulers of Valk'ha may now be reconstruc- 
ted as under :- 

1. Bhattaralca 

2. Bhulunda 1 

3. Svamidasa 

4. Rudradasa I 

5. Bhulunda II 

6. Rudradasa II 

7. Subandhu 

8. Nagabhata 

R. C. Majumdar 3 , G. S. Gal 1 , 
D. C. Sircar 6 refer these dales to the Gupta 
era, while V. V. Mirashi 8 refers them to 
Abhira era of A. D. 249. His argument 

Year 29-36 

Year 38-59 

Year 63-58 

Year 66-70 

Year 104-107 

Year 108-117 

Year 167 
Year not readable. 


also could not have been thing fie Gupn 
era. But on the contrary, as argued b\ D.I . 
Sircar, it seems more reasonable 10 hchav 
tha the Maharajas of Valklui \u;re iVuda- 
tories of the Guptas and die d.itc-, of 
their grants weie recorded in the Gupta era 7 

As for the identification of geographi- 
cal names, Valkha is undoubtedly the pre- 
sent village Bagh from where all iliefe 
plates have been" found. The city was close 
to the river Narmada, and this is symiied 
by the statements made in most of the 
grants. The Bagh caves and their paint- 
ings are famous for line workmanship of 
the Gupta period. It can bo picsunud 
that the feudatories of the Gupta unpjrer,. 
were ruling there assuming imperial ttiks 
such as Paramabhatfaraka and MalnrlthWn- 
raja in 4-5th century A. u. Under their 
patronage Bagh witnessed the art as a creati- 
vity of the Golden Age. 

In support of the above theory, men- 
tion may be made of the discovery of 
nine gold Gupta coins from Pagara in 
Manawar Tahsil of Dhar, which is very 
close to the find-spot of the present hoard 
of copper plate inscriptions. One is con- 
vinced that the whole reigion was under 
the Gupta soverignity. The adoption of the 
Gupta era was thus a natural corollaiy. 

Other historical places mentioned in 

rs^i-"E ? -??*??S2iS 

toe ten subordinate to to (tap* and identify the places me.moncd. 


I Ten lined inscription; Margin-' Maharaja Bhulundasya' ; Year 59 Xfoina bad! 3, 


2 Nine lined inscription ; Margin-'Mfl/wq/a Svamidasasya : Year 63 Kartlika badi. 

3 Nine lined inscription ; M&ri\&- Maharaja Bhulundasya' : Year 55 Sravana Su 2. 

4 Eight lined inscription ; Margin-Blank ; inscription mentions 'Maharaja Bhatta- 
raka 1 : Year 36 Jyeshtha ki 1. 

5 Eight lined inscription ; Ua^gm- Maharaja Bhulundasya' : Year 104 Magha Su 6. 

6 Eight lined inscription ; Margin-' Maharaja Rudradasasya' : Year 66 Ashadha su 2. 


7 Nine lined inscription ; Mat^n- Maharaja Bhattarakasya' : Year 29 Siivana k 

8 Nine lined inscription ; Uwgm- Maharaja Bhulundasya' : Year 55 Jyesjha ihi 7. 

9 Seven lined inscription ; Margin-'Bhattarakasya Sasanah' : Year 29 Karttika 611 7 
(cut in to two parts). 

10 Nine lined inscription ; Margin- Maharaja Rudradasasya' : Year 69 Chaitra 

11 Eight lined inscription ; Margin-Svanii Narayanadasasya-Maharaja Bhulundasya' : 
Year 47 Pausha ba. (cut into two parts) 

12 Nine, lined inscription ; Margin-' Maharaja Nagabhatasya' : Year not clear : month 
Yaifiakha ^u 2. 

13 Eight lined inscription ; M.axgiR- Maharaja Bhulundasya' : Year 56. 

14 Eight lined inscription ; M&rgm- Maharaja Bhulundasya' : Year 104. 

15 Nine lined inscription ; Margin-' Maharaja Bhulundasya' : Year 57 Phalguna ba 3. 

16 Nine lined inscription ; MW%M~ Maharaja Bhulundasya' : Year not clear. 

17 Eight lined inscription ; Margin-'Ma/iora/a Rudradasasya* : Year 70 Jyeshtha k5. 

18 Nine lined inscription : Margin~'Mo/wfl/a Svamidasasya' : Year 65 Bhadrapada ba.2. 

19 Eight lined inscription ; M.^n- Maharaja Bhului;clasya J ; Year 107 Chaitra k.2 

20 Seven lined inscription ; Margin-' Afa/iflrffjo Rudradasasya' : Year not clear. 

21 Eight lined inscription; M^gm- Maharaja Svamidasasya' : Year 68 Asadha.,., 

22 Ten lined inscription ; Mztgin-'Maharaja Svaraidasasya' : Year 65. 

21 Eight lined inscription ; Usugm- Maharaja Bhulundasya' : Year 104 Vais'akha 5u.3. 

24 Seven lined inscription ; Margin-' Mahmja Bhulundasya 1 : Year : not clear. 

25 Eight lined inscription ; Mnjim- Maharaja Bhulundasya' : Year : not clear. 

26 Nine lined inscription ; Mwgm- Maharaja Rudradasasya' : Year 108 Jyeshtha 4u.5. 

27 Nine lined inscription. ; Max^m- Maharaja Svamidasasya' : Year : not clear. 


i 2 XII Vol. fflll (2) Dec, 1978, pp, 3!, 

v if '"I)! 'ii 


I/K ^{ffl, p, 231, 

These copper plates 


pied by (lie office ol itoM EpijrapW 


C. A. Padmanabha Sastry 

The vast area of the Andhra Country 
was ruled by more than half a dozen 
dynaties. Each dynasty has its own emblem 
and seal, The emblem can be seen on the 
seals which are generally found attached 
to the copper-plate charters. Incase the 
set contains more than one plate they are 
strung together to a ring which passes 
through a hole. The seal is then soldered 
to the ring. The seals are usually round 
in shape though we have other shapes too. 

In a number of cases the figures on the 
seals have bearing on the religious leanings 
of the concerned royal dynasty. Some of 
the seals of the various dynasties have 
the image of bull, bear, fish, etc., which 
indicate different religious leanings. In a 
few cases the seals have the figure's of the 
animals like elephant, cow, tiger etc. In 
case of many seals we also find legends 
along with symbols referred to above more 
often than not the seals have the titles 
of the kings on them. Generally the vict- 
orious kings wrest the royal emblems of 
the defeated kings. The Nesarika grant of 
Govinda III of the Rashtrakuta dynasty 1 
is the best example to know the various 
lanchdhanas of the different kings, It reads: 

Pnn$ya-dc~'ddhipan~ matsya in 

vrlshabham Pallave&varat ! 
Cholad-vvaghraih gajam Gcfoga 

ch= chapa yashtlm cha Keraltit li 

* Aihdkra*Chalnkya= Mauryebhyo 
$Y VMham Pallw&varat I 

T / } 

Kdsal-A vamt'i-nath'abhyaih 

Siihha!ad= api namakam 

Tatath bhagavatim khyataih 

Dharmad- Vaftigala bhiimipat i 
Ittahaw elany a thanyani Chihnany 
= a day a bhu bhujam i 

Gamd-nmko jagaituihgo vvadhatta 

sakolam jagut li 

In the following pages it is proposed 
to discuss the various seals of different 
kings and their officials who ruled the 
Andhra -Country from the earliest times 
to the fifteenth century. 

We do not have direct evidence re- 
garding the seals of the Satavahanas and 
the Ilcshvakus, the early dynasties of the- 
Andhra Country. In case of the formers, 
it is stated that they had lion for their 
emblem. 2 This was deduced from the fact 
that the Satavahanas had lion symbol on 
their coins. However, it must be remem- 
bered that apart from lion the coins of 
the Satavahanas had on them the repre- 
sentation of hill, ship, svastika etc. The 
same is the case with the Ikshvakus also. 
Hovdt/er, the seals discovered in the excuva-. 
tions at Vardhamanapuram 3 (Wararigal Dis- 
trict), Peddabankur 1 , Dhujikatta 6 (Karim- 
nagar District) and some other sites in 
Andhra Pradesh reveal the existence of the 
seals, probably issued by rulers. The seal 
discovered at Vardhamanapuram contains 
a horse symbol with a legend arrouud 
the seal. The legends reads Mahatala- 



varasa viyasamikasa sava sadhu The coin 
also reads the same legend on the obverse 
and the reverse contains three arches with 
dots in between them. Another terracotta 
seal discovered at Peddabinkur contains 
a legend in brahml characters of tlw 
Ikshvaku period. It reads vijayapura-hara 
kasa rathasa, A beautiful ivory button 
seal discovered at Dhulikatta shows a 
legend A\iini Sitiya Game Kumariya in 
the same characters as the one mentioned 

Among the copper plate charters of 
the Andlira dynasties the Maidavolu charter 
of Pallava Sivaskandavarman 8 is the earliest, 
as yet discovered, copper-plate grant, The 
seal of this set is important as it is earliest 
one which contains a legend apart from 
the ball (Vrishabha} representation. The 

legend Sivaska .... which is undoubtedly 
the name of the king. The lanchchana 
and the dhvaja of the early Pallavas 
were vrishabha and khatvanga respectively 
which attest to the fact that the Pallavas 
had leanings towards 3aivism. 

The Bhrihatphalayanas, the contem- 
porary of the Early Pallavas, have a lone 
copper-plate charter viz, the Kondamudi 
plates. The seal contains a trident, a bow, 
the crescent, and an. indistinct symbol in 
irigangular in shape. The legend 'Brihat- 
phalayana sagotraiya maharaja-Si'rJaya- 
varmmanah 1 runs along the pheriphery of the 
seal'. It is an important seal in more 
than one aspect. Firstly, it contains the 
longest legend fomid on the seals of any 
copper-plate charier discovered so far in 
the Andhra Country. Secondly, it contains 
more than one symbol, Both the legend and 
the symbols, depicted on the seal suggest 

that they belong to powerful royal members 
who propubly attained independent status 
after the downfall of tho Ikshvakus. The 
ttident shows their religious leanings to- 
wards iSaivism. 

The Ananda Icings had two types 
of seals on their copper-plate charters. The 
seal of the Mattrpathi plates of Damochua- 
varman 8 bjars the figure of vrishubha as 
seen in the Early Pallava charters, while the 
seal of Gorantla plates of Attivarman has 
the figure of a seated or cross legged saint." 
However, this figure is not quite distnict on 
the seal. There is no legend in either of 
the two seals. The occurrence of the figure 
of a saint on the seal of the Ananda 
charter is interesting in that the kings of 
this family claim their descent from a sage 
called Anaiida.. Hence it may not be im- 
proboble that the king Attivarman might 
have choson the figure of the sage Ananda 
to be represented on his seal as a token 
of respect. 

While the Salankayanas, who had vm/w- 
bha as their symbol on their seals, ruled the 
southern pait of the Andhra country, the 
Mathara kings ruled the Kalinga on the 
northern side of the Andhra. We find 
the different types of seals attached to 
the charters of the Mathara kings of 
Kalinga. In the first type, they used the 
legend Pitribhaktah, which is evidenced 
by the seal of the Komarli plates of 
Chan^avarman. 10 This legend is interest- 
ing as the kings of this dynasty describe 
themselves as Bappa-bhatfarakd-pada hhak- 
tah which means that they are devoted 
to' the feet of their fathers. It may be 
noted that the expression Pifnbhaktah 
also means the same. In the second type, 



they used the donor's name on the seal. 
For example in the Brihatproshtln grant 
of Umavarm.m u and the Rajolu places 
of Saktivarman 12 , we cm find the names 
of the kings rcij-dmavarmunali and maha- 
raja-Sjknvarmanah respectively. 

The Vishniilcmitlin dynasty have more 
than half-a-dozen copper-plate charters. 
Tae ssals of the charters of these kings bear 
figures of both lion and bull, The seal of the 
Ramatirtham plates of Indravarman 1 ' bears 
a fiant fyurc of a pouncing lion, faccing 
proper riyht, with its fore-paw raised, 
neck erect, mouth-wide open and tail 
raised above the back with a loop at the 
end. This seal has no legend. The seal 
of the tpuru plates of Madhavavarman II 
(year 37) 1 " has a lion with a lamp on 
either side and sun and moon and legend 
which reads : t) Sri MaJhava 1} Varmmd, 
Another set from the same place of the 
same king (year 47) has a seal which is 
divided horizontally into the halves. The 
upper ra 1 f of the seal bears a damaged 
figure of a lion facing right and the lower 
ha!f has ih.3 legend, Sn Madhava In 
this context it is interesting to note that 
the inscription of Madhavavarman from 
Velpuru 16 bears two lions facing each other 
and resting on their forelegs. Their back 
portions are raised. Among the seals of 
the Vishnukuntfim, the Timtfi copper-plate 
charer of Vikramendravarman 111 bears the 
humpel bull (Vrishabha, on its seal. The 
seal doss rot bear any legend. Some of 
the coins of the Vishnulcundins particularly 
the coins of Vikramendravarman bear 
the symbol of lion. This suggests that 
whib the early kings of this dynasty used 
the lion on their seals, the seals of the 
later king;! had the figure of a bull, which 

indicate their leaning towards 

Coming to the seals of the Eastern 
Chalukya grants they show a variety of 
legends and symbols. Most of the seals 
of tftcir charters havj the fijure of varaha 
on them. It is worth noting in this 
context that the Eastern Chalukya kings 
claim to have obtained the v sraha-lanch- 
chhana as a boon from the god Narayana 
(bhagu van-.yarayana-prusadti sam-usadita- 
vara-vcirahu-Jaftiluhhanatwm) as evidenced 
by the praiasti recorded in their copper- 
plate chaiters. However, the legends on 
the seals of their charters differ in some ' 


cases. While the seal of the Satara copper- 
plate charter contains the legend $rl 
Blttarasa 17 the Timmipuram copper plate 
charter has the legend Vishamasiddhi. 1 * 
This suggests that the earlier one was issued 
by Vishauvardhana when he was yuvaraja 
and the latter one was issued by him as 
an independent king. This title and legend 
have also been used by Vishnu vardhana 
III. The successor of Viahijuvarddhana III, 
namely Jayasimha I bears a different title, 
His Peddamaddah 1 " and I'eda-Vegi plates 20 
contain the legend Sri Sarvva-siddhi and 
usual varaha symbol. Tyagadhenu is found 
along with usual varaha, sun and moon 
on the seal of the Kor^anaguru plates of 
the Eastern Chalukya Indravarman. 81 He 
is the only king bearing the title Ty&ga 
dhenu. The legend Vijayasiddhi is engraved 
for the first time along with usual varaha 
on the seal of the Chandaluru plates of 
Sarvvalolcas'raya 32 who is identified with 
Mangiyuvaraja I. We know that this is 
one of the titles of Maragi Yuvaraja as a 
fragmentary copper-plate charter of the 
reign of his grandson refers to Mangi 
Yuvaraja with the title Abhilashitakaryya 


Vijayasiddhi" This titte Vijayasiddhi is 
used by the successors of Mangi Yuvaraja 
namely Kokfcili, Mangi Yuvaraja II and 
Vilcramaditya, who ruled the Madhyama 
Kalinga area, Vishnuvardhana II used two 
titles namely Sarvvasiddhl and Vishama- 
siddhi in his Nicluparru 31 and Koneld 26 
grants. Most interesting feature is that 
none of these grants contain the usual 
varaha. The legend Sri Fiibhuvanaihkuia 
appears for the first time in the seal of 
Pasubhan.u grant of the king Vishnuvar- 
dhana III, This legend continues to be 
found on the seals of the copper-plate 
charters of the successive Icings of the 


As the fame of this dynasty grew, 
some of the kings of this dynasty used a 
a number of auspicious symbols. The seal 
of the Sataluru grant of Gunaga Vijaya- 
ditya III contains all "the symbols like 
Vat aha, anku&a, surya and chandra and the 
legend Tribhuvan-aihkuka. The anku&a is 
depicted on the seals for the first time in 
the history of the Eastern Chalukya in 
particular. The significance of ahkuia on 
the seal shows the sovereignly of Gunaga 
YijayMitya over other lords They also con- 
tain the excellent and ornamental carvings of 
goddess Lakshmi and god Vinayaka in 
dancing poses. The legend Sn Tribhu- 
vanaihkuSa is continued on the seals of the 
later Eastern Chalukyan kings till the period 
of Rajaraja Chodaganga. 2 ' 

The Eastern Gangas had 
Idnchchhana. The Tekkali, Chicacole and 
the Siddhantam plates had bull on them, 
Some of the seals of the kings of this 

valasa plates of Devendravamian show a 
a legend Devemliavama. 1 1 must be noted 
in this context that is the lim Eastern 
Ganga sea! to have a legend. 1 '" A charoc- 
terstic feature of the seals of the later 
Ganga copper-plates is [hat they have more 
symbols For example, the seal of the 
Narasapatmim plates of Vajrahasta III 
bears the figures of a bull, a conch, a goad, 
a trident, a battle axes, a eresceat, a 
staff and a drum. 29 A very mteiesting 
feature of the seal of "the Parlakimidi plates 
of Vajrahasta III is that it contains a 
legend reading Sri Ddrapaiei}du in Nagari 
characters. 3 " He is the ajfiapti of this 
grant, who is serving the king Vajialnutu 
in the capacity of minister. Usually (he 
seal contains the kings name or the title, 
but in this case a minister's name is 
found engraved. It shows that this parti- 
cular plate must have been issued by this 
minister. The second unit of the above 
name rsndu is tadbliava of rdja (raju-redu- 
rendu). It shows that he must be 
a subordinate chief of the king Vajra- 
hasta HI and also holding the office of 
the seals. The seal of the Andhavaram 
plates of the same king 31 have a seated 
bull, the birds carrying a stalk, a small 
circular disc divided into eight sectors 
and a purnaghaia. The seal of his Can- 
jam plates 3 " has a counchant nandi, a 
drum, a conch, the fly whisks (chamaras), 
the darts or lances and an umbrella. 

The seals of the Kakatiyas contain 
the figure of a boar either facing right 
or left. The seal of the Kliaijd-avilU 
plates of Prataparudra 33 is quite interesting 
as it has the legend Daya-gaja-kesari 

dynasty depict the Sankha, the bull, the apart from varaha., a cow facing proper 
lotus and the crescent The seal of the Chidi- left, a sun and moon and an anku&a* 



The symbolic representation of a cow is 
very interesting which is not seen in 
any of the copperplate charters of the 
Andhra'" country. 

The seals of the Reddy dynasty 
contains the figure of a bull in a kneeling 
posture rests on a plain pedestal. The 
seals of the Vijayanagara dynasty contain 
the varaka either facing right or left, with sun 
and moon, t The seal of fojsaijain^ plates 
Sangama Virupaksha 34 ,(Saka\388-14?6 A.D.) 
has a seated Nandi with a short dagger 
on its proper) The seal of the Penugon^a 
grant of Tirumala I, 35 dated 1571 A.D. is 
a circular one which contains a sun, a 
crescent with a star on it and a running 
boar (varaha) with a dagger in front of 
it. There is a floral device at the bottom 
of varaka in addition to the symbols 
mentioned above we find two clubs in 
the seal of Ammvili Mangalam plates of 
Sri Rangaraya I," dated 1577 A.D. The 
copper plate seals of the later Vijayanagara 
rulers only, contain legends. The seal of 
the Kuniyur' plates of the time of 
Venkata II" contains the figure of a 
boar facing left, a legend reads $ri- 
VmkatUa and also the moon and sun. 

Some of the kings of the Andhra 

country used their own symbol on their 
seals. For example one of the early 
kings nemely the Renaticholas have used 
both lion and tiger. Some of the feudatory 
chiefs enjoyed paramountcy though they 
accepted the supramacy of the emperors. 
An inscription from Motupalli dated 
1231 A, D., informs that Siddhayadeva 
maharaja of Pallava kula had his tradi- 
tional vrishabha lanchchhana and khaf- 
vangadhvaja. Another inscription from 
Tripuranlakam dated 1263 A. D. states that 
a certains mha-samant-adhipati and baha- 
ttara-niyog-adhipati Vijayagandagopala had 
his own crests viz., fsrivatsa lanchchhana 
and also vrishabha lanchchhana. Thus the 
kings of the Andhra particularly in the 
later period allowed their subordinates to 
have their lanchchhanas. 

The above study reveals firstly, the 
seals of the early G kings were simple with 
just one or more symbols with or with- 
out legend, while the later kings have 
more symbols. Most of the seals represent 
the tittles of the issuing kings, and at 
certain times, the minister's names are 
also found. More often the chief 
emblem on the seal reflects the religious 
leanings of the issuing donor kings. 

Notes :- 

1 El., Vol. XXXIV, pp. 125ff 

2 T. V. Mahalingam, South Indian Polity, p 85 

3 Mdu (.Telugu Daily), dated 17 October, 1982 

4 IAR, 1968-69, p. 2 

5 Ibid., 1976-77, p, 4; Andhrapradesh Annual Repon on Archaeology 1376-77, p. 14 


6 EI,, Vol. VI, pp84ff 

7 Ibid,, pp. 315ff 

8 Ibid.. Vol. XVII., pp327ff 

9 Ind. Ant., Vol. IX, p. 103 

10 Ep.Ind., Vol. IV, pp. 142ff 

11 Ibid, Vol. XII. pp. 4ff 

12 /Wrf., Vol. pp. 1 ff 

13 Ibid., pp I33ff 

14 Ibid., Vol. XVII, pp. 334 ff 

15 Ibid., Vol. PXXVI, pp. 

16 Ibid., pp. 7ff 

17 MA/tf., Vol. XIX, pp. 300 ff 

18 /., Vol. IX, pp. 317ff 

19 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 137 ff 

20 E.J., Vol. XIX, pp. 236 ff 

21 Ibid., Vol. XVIII, pp. Iff 

22 Ibid., pp. 55 ff 

23 AREP., 1914 No. A 12 

24 EL Vol. XVIII, pp.55 ff 

25 Ibid., Vol. XXXI, pp. 71 ff, 

26 Sharati., Vol. I, pp. 8 ff 

27 EL Vol. IV, pp.345ff 

28 Bharatht, Vol. II, EI., Vol. XXXII pp. 142 ff; 

29 EL Vol. Xf/ pp. 147ff ' 

30 /A/rf., Vol. Ill, f\>. 220ff 

31 Ibid., Vol. XXXI, pp. 202 ff 

32 Ibid., Vol. XX 1 1 1, pp. 17 ff, 

33 EA., Vol. IV 

34 EL Vol. XI, pp,8 

35 Ibid., Vol. XVI, pp. 241 ff 

36 Ibid., Vol. XII, pp340ff 

37 Ibld a Vol. Ill, pp256ff 


K. V. Ramesh and S. P. Tewari 

The inscription, edited here for the 
first time, was discovered at Risthal, a 
village to the west of Sitamau, the head- 
quarters of Sitamau Tahsil, Mandasor 
District, Madhya Pradesh. The discovery 
was brought to the notice of the present 
editors by Dr. Raglrubir Singh, Director, 
Natna^ar Sodha Samsthana, Sitamau, who 
also kindly sent an excellent photograph 
of the same. The slab is now preserved 
in the premises of the above Samsthana, 
It was copied by Dr. S. P. Tewari in the 
month of December 1983, 

The text, in twenty-Me lines, is en- 
graved on a rectangular! slab measuring 
about 53 cms. x 40 cms. While the writing 
is very well preserved, the middle portion 
of the top of the slab is broken away 
resulting in partial damage to a few letters 
in the first line. A small piece of the slab 
has been chipped off at the end of the 
second line and so also in a couple of 
places small pieces have shipped off resulting 
in damage to one or two letters which 
can, however, be easily restored. 

The language of the inscription is chaste 
Sanskrit and the text consists of twenty 
nine verses in ten different metres. While 
the completion of each verse is indicated 
by a double danfa the completion of each 
half verse is in most cases indicated by a 
small horizontal stroke. The script employed 
is what is popularly known as late or 
Gupta Biihmi and the characters are 
palaeographically assignable to the 5th-6th 
century A. D. 

While, palaeographically, all the letters 
conform to the known features of Gupta 
Brahml, attention may be drawn to the 
fact that in two instance 1 ) (sud-uthyuih, in 
line 7 and yena in line 13 j a cursive type 
of y has been employed. As for the ortho- 
graphical features it may be pointed out 
that the consonant following r is doubled 
in almost all cases while at the end of 
the padas and verses final consonants are 
employed wherever warranted. 

The object of the inscription is to 
record the excavation of a tank and the 
construction of a Siva temple by the 
Rajasihamya Bhagavaddosha during the 
reign of the Aulikara king Prakliadharmma 
when five hundred and seventytwo years 
(of the Vikrama era) had lapsed. It is 
interesting to note that the vestiges of the 
tank referred to in this imcription are still 
available in Risthal. 

The text commences with a verse 
invoking the blessings of Lord diva and 
introduces, in verse two, the reigning king. 
Bhagavatprakaia (i. e. PrakS&dharmma). 1 
The genealogy of his family, given in 
verses 3 to 13, is as fellows : 

In the Aulikara /fynasty 
Senapall Drapaydrddhana,' his son 

Jaj/varddhana, his son 
/Ajitavarddhana, his son 
/ Vibhlshagavarddhana, his son 
/ Rajyavarddhana, his son 

Afiiraja PrakSfedhaimma (j. e . Bhasa- 
f vatprakafe) 



Of these rulers the descriptions of 
all the predecessors of PrakaSadharmma are 
merely conventional, including their victo- 
ries over unnamed adversaries. Verses 14 
fo 15, which are in praise of PrakasV 
dharmma are also merely conventional. 
However, verses 16 to 17, which are also 
in his praise, are of considerable histori- 
cal significance for they refer to his victory 
over the famous Huna usurper Toramana 
for whom we have so far had no firm 
date thoujh his place in the history of 
north India is well-known. As will be 
shown in the sequel the present inscription 
bears the date Vikrama year 572=515-16 A. D. 
and, since the inscription refers to Pra- 
kakdharmma's victory over Toramaija and 
appropriation of the latter j s hegemony by 
the former as accomplished facts in that 
year, we may safely presume that Tora- 
mana's career as a successful adventurer 
had ended by 515-16 A, D. 

The indirect contribution made by the 
present inscription to our knowledge of 
North Indian history of the post-Gupta 
period is indeed immeasurable. The career 
of Ya^odharmma as a great ruler is well 
brought home by his famous inscription 3 
from Mandasor which had been composed 
by Vasula the son of Kakka, In the absence 
of any statement to that effect in that 
inscription, YaSodharmman's antecedents 
were hitherto absolutely unknown to his- 
torians, though it was known that he be- 
longed to the Aulikara family. His two 
Mandasor inscriptions' 1 when studied in 
combination with the Risthal record direc- 
tly give the lie to Majumdar's statement 
that Yas'odharmm.a rose and fell like a 
meteor, 6 

As stated above, the inscription under 

study belongs to the year 515-16 A. D. 
One of Yas'odharmman's Mandasor inscrip- 
tions is dated in 532 A D. The other 
Mandasor inscription of this ruler, which 
is undated, was composed by Kakka's son 
Vasula who is also the author of the 
Risthal pt abas ti. 

Since there is only a difference of 
16 or 17 years between the Risthal prabasti 
under study and the dated inscription of 
Yas"odharmma, belonging to 532 A. D., and, 
in view of the fact that the present pra&asti 
as well as the undated pratastiof Yos"a- 
dharmma were composed by the same poet 
Viisula, it may be safely presumed that 
Yo^odharmma was the son and successor 
of Pralca^adharmma, The undated inscrip- 
tion of Ya^odharmma merely states that 
his feet were worshipped by the Huna 
ruler Mihirakula without actually stating 
whether the latter had been personally 
vanquished by the former. On the other 
hand, the expression a-Toramana nripatefy 
used by Vasula in his Risthal pra&asti, which 
literally means 'from Toramaija onwards', 
seems to imply that, besides Toramana, 
Prakakdharmma himself had defeated 
Mihirakula also, probably in one and the 
same battle when Mihirakula had not yet 
succeeded his father on the Huna throne. 

One more ground for the proximity 
in time of the reigns of Prakatadharmma 
and YaSodharmma is furnished by the re- 
ference to Bhagavaddosha, the Rajasthanlya 
of PrakaSadharmma, m the Risthal Protest! 
and to Nirdosha as the nephew of Bhaga- 
vaddosha in the dated inscription ofYaSo- 
dharmma. This more than clearly implies 
that, just like Bhagavaddosha and Nirdosha, 
Praka^adharmma and Yas'odharmma also 
belonged to successive generations. 


The Ristlul pratasti and the dated 
Mandasor inscription of Yafledharmma 
together give a clear picture of the steady 
growth of this family's political stature. 
While the Aulikara progenitor Drapavar- 
dhana is described as a Senapatl, the reign- 
ing king is described as having risen to the 
royal stature of Adhhaja in the present 
inscription. And the Mandasor inscription 
tinder reference describes YaSodharmma as 


Rajadhiraja and Paramebvara indicative of 

Like Bhagavaddosha, his master Pra- 
ka&dharmma also was a great builder. He 
is credited with the excavation of a tank 
called Vibhlshana - saras, obviously so 
named after Praka^adharmma's grandfather 
Vibhisharavardhana for whom his grandson 
seems to have entertained special affection. 
Besides, the same king is stated to have 
constructed a lofty temple for the lord Siva. 


Metres : Verse 1 : Upajati; Verse 2 : Upendravajia; Verse 3-4 and 13-14 : Aupach- 
chhandasika ; Verses 5-6 : Aryagitl ; Verses 7-8 : VaMasihavila ; Verses 9-10 : 
Dnttavilambita ; Verses 11-12 : GUI ; Verses 15-21 : Vasantatilaka ; Verses 
22-27 and 29 : Anushtubh ; Verse 28 : Malini. 

1 Varnena sandhya - pranipata - kopa - prasangin - arddhena vighattyamanam[i*] Pinu- 
kina^ - iant[i - vidheyfam - arddham vam - etaraih vas 1 ] - 6ivam ~ adadhatu [1*] 
Raneshu bhuyas = sa bhuvo mahimne bibhartti yah 

2 karmukam - atatajyam i Jayaty -asau svasya fculasya ketur - llalaraa - rajnam Bhaga- 
vatpraka^ah [2*] Bliuvana - slhiti - dhama - dharmma - setus - sakalasy - Aulikar - 
anvayasya lakslima i Drapavarddhana ity - abhu[t-praj - 

3 bhava-kshapit-arati - bal - onnatir - nnarendralj "[3*] Siras - iva Pinakinas - 
tushara - sruti - III - amala - didhitii - Sasahkah[i*]Nija - vanAa 7 - lalamni yatra Senu- 
paii-^abdah sprihaniyatam jagamaii[4*] Anay - avalambana - 

4 dri^hikritaya bala - sampada prathitaya bhujayoh[i*] Udapadi tena hrita - kttru - 
jayo Jayavarddhana - kshitipitis - tanayah [5*jBahalena yasya sakatam parital.i 
parivjinvata jalamuch - eva viyat i 

5 Bala - repna karabha - kaijtha - rucha sthagitS babhur - nna kiraijas - savituh [6*] 
Kirita - ratna - skhalit - arkka - diptislm pratishthit - ajnah pratiraja - murddhasu[i ] 
Balena tasy - ajita - patirusha'ti parair - bbabhuva 

6 raj - Ajitavarddlmnas - sutah ii7*;Makheshu sCm - Ssava - pana - lalasF sama<rate 
yasya muhur - dDivaspatau i Tatama hasl - agra - nivefiit - ananS viy5a - chinl - 
akula-manasa Sachi "[S*] Sruta - vivikta - manah 

7 sthitiman-bali sphuta-yakh kusum - odgama - padapafti] Jagati tasya sutah pra- 
thito gu^jaih kula-lalSma-Vibhisha^vaiddhanat i[9*] Sad-udayaihpravikfisihhir 
- ujlfjvalair - avihata - prasaraih 


8 Subharohibhih I Sucharitaih kiraijair - iva bhanutnaji - kshata tamansi" jajanti cha- 
kara yahii[10*] Bhuvana - sthiti - goptribhir - miripair - dhuram - adyair - vvidhritam 
babhara yah I Sva - kulochita rajya - varddhanas - tanayas - tasya 

9 sa Rajyavarddhanah n[ll*| Vilalapa mumoha vivyathe viaii^vfisa visamjnalam yayau i 
Upalaptamana bal-oshmana dvishatam yasya vilasinijanah n[l2*]Kshitipati tilakasya 
tasya balm - dravip - 

10 nipila - samagra ~ fotru - diptih[i] Sucharita - ghatita - prakaia - dharmraa nripati - 
lalama-sutah Praka&dharmma n[13*j Amalina-yaksamprabhava dhamnam sakala 
- jagan - mahaniya - paunishaijam[i] Avitatha - j'auat - anuraga - 

11 bhajara sthiti - padavim - anuyati yo guruijamii[14*] Yal^ sv - anvaya - krama - 
paramparay - opayatam - aropitam gup - rasam - ahritena pittra[i*] Lok - opakara - 
vidhaye na sukh - odayaya raja - Sriyam 

12 ^ubha - phal - odayinim vibhartti [15*] A - Toramaija - nripater - nripa - mauli - 
ratna - jyotsna - pratana - Sabalikrita - pada - pltham ' HOij - adhipasya blmvi yena 
gatah pratishtham nito yudha = vitathatam- Adhiraja - ^bdah [16*] 

13 Samgrama - murddhani vipatha - nipatitanam tasy - aiva yena mada- varimucham 
gajanam i Ayami - danta - ghatitani taponidhibhyo bhadr - asanani ruchimanti 
nivedilani u[17*] Tasy -aiva ch = ahava - raukhe tarasa 

14 jitasya yen - avarodhana ~ vara - pramadafc pramathya i Loka - praka^a - bhuja - vik- 
rama - chihna - het5r - vvi^ranita bhagavate Vrishabhadhvaj'aya n[18*] Rajiie pita- 
maha - Vibliishanavarddhanaya ^laghy - anubhaya - guru - 

15 puaya - phalaih nivedyaji] Vistari Bindu - sarasati pratibimba - bhutam - etad - Vibhi- 
shana - saras - samakhani tena i [19*] Etach - cha nritta - rabliasa - sklmlit - endu - 
lekha - vant - aniu 9 - vichchhurita - mediaka - kaijtlia - blia 

16 Sthaijos - samagra - bhuvana - ttraya - sfishti - hetoh praleya - ^aila - tata - kalpara - 
alcSri sadma n[2P*j Sa - dvy - abda - saptati " sama - samudayavatsu pur^neshu pan- 
chasu iateshu vivatsaranain i 

17 Grishme = rkka - tapa - mridita - pramada - sanatha - dhara - grih - odara - vijjim- 
bhita - Pushpakelau "[21*] Lakshma Bharatavarsbasya nideiat ~ tasya bhukshitahi ' 
Akarayad - DaSapure Praka^vara - sadma yafci [22*] 

18 Tasya - aiva cha purasy - antar - Brahmana^ - charu mandiram ' Unmapayad - iva 
vybma ^ildmrair - gghanarodhibhiti H[23*] A^rayaya yatinan = cha sankhya - yog - abhi- 
yoginam i Vyadhatta Krish? - avasatham 1 * Bujjuk - avasathan = cha yalj ii[24*] 

19 Sabha - kupa - math - ataman = sadmam cha divaukasam ' Yo = nyaiy = ch - 
anyaya - vimukho deya - dharmman - achikarat n[25*] Ten - aiva nripates - tasya 
purvvaj - amatya "- sununa i Rajasthaniya - Bhagavaddoslieg, - adosha - sangina [26*] 


20 Etaj - jalanidhi - hrepi viSalam khanitath sarah i Idan = elm jalad - ollekhi i&linas - 
sadma karitam "[27*] Kisalaya parivarttHIrudhara vati yavat - surabhi - kusuma - 
gandh - amodavahi nabhasvan i 

21 Sara i[da]m - abhiramam sadma SambhoS = cha tavad = vihita - durita - margge 
kirtti - vistariijis - tarn "[28 s "] Iti tushtushaya tasya nripateh puijya - karmmaijalj [i*l 
Vasulen - oparachita purvve = yam Kalcka - sununa [29*1 


(V. 1) May the right half of the face of PinSkin (>iva), which exhudes peace and 
which is conjoined with -the left half of his face (i. e. Parvati's face) which displays 
anger because of diva's submission to Sandhya (here personified as a female-rival), 
bring you auspiciousness. 

(V. 2) Victorious is Bhagavatprakak who was the very banner of his family and 
was the leader of the kings and who constantly keeps the string of his bow taut in 
battles for the glory of the earth. 

(V. 3) There was the very banner of all the Aulikara families, ticking Drapavard- 
dhana who was like a bridge between the established precepts of mankind and their 
righteous practice ; who had attained eminence by destroying the strength of his enemies 
through his greatness. 

(V. 4) Just as the crescent moon on the head of Pinakin (Siva)., with its cool and 
pure rays like the sprinkling of thin shower, is covetable, so also, in the case of this 
(king), who was tb burner of his family, the designation Senapati had become covetable. 

(V, 5} Having thus, through this, continued his strength and wealth by his arms, 
he sired 3 son, the king Jayavarddhana, who had appropriated victories from his enemies. 

(V. 6) Even as the dark clouds stopped the rays of the sun (from brightening the 
earth), so 'did the dust raised by his army and its elephant qorps, spreading and covering 
all the atmosphere, indeed stop the rays of the Sun. 

(V. 7) His son was the king Ajitavarddhana who had earned his manliness from 
his enemies through, his strength and who had established his hegemony over the heads 
of the enemy kings which were shining with the rays emerging out -of the gems of 
their crowns. 

(V. 8) The lord of the gods (Indra) having gone to the earth repeatedly because 
of his ardent desire for imbibing the soma drink at the sacrifices (performed by the 
king Ajitavarddhana), Sachl (Imlrai}i) became worried about separation from her husband, 
with- her chin resting on her fore-arm. 

(V 9.) His son who was famed in the world for his good qualities and who was 
like the banner of his family was Vibhishanavarddhana whose thoughts were profound 


because of learning ; he was possessed of firmness, and was and his fame 
was full-blown like a newly flowered tree. 

(V. 10) He rendered the worlds devoid of darkness by his good qualities which were 
ever on the increase, resplendent, brilliant, all pervading and increasingly auspicious 
even as the sun brightens the worlds with his rays which are well-risen, resplendent, 
brilliant, all pervading and increasingly bright. 

(V. 11) His son was Rajyavarddhana who expanded his kingdom in keeping with 
his family's practice and who shouldered the burden (of the kingdom) wliich had been 
borne by the earlier kings who were protectors of worldly stability. 

(V. 12) The members of the harem of his enemy kings lamented, got bewildered, 
suffered, sighed and fainted, their minds being tortured by the heat of his valour. 

(V. 13) Of that leader of kings the son was PrakaSadharmma, the great king who 
had imbibed all the lustre of his adversaries by the strength of his arms, whose lustrous 
merit was built of good chaiacters. 

(V. 14) Who had come by the royal status of his elders who were of unstained 
fame, worthy abodes of greatness, were possessed of valour which was considered 
great by the entire world and enjoyed the unbroken love of their subjects. 

(V. 15) Who bore the noble royal grandeur, which was the source of auspicious 
results, for the sake of helping his subjects and not for the mere creation of pleasure, 
that royal grandeur which had come down through proper successions in his own 
family and which had been thrust upon him and not appropriated by him from his 

(V. 16) By him, who had established himself in the kingdom of the Huiia ruler 
through his foot-stool being flooded with the brightness of the gems of the kingly 
crown of the king Toramana, the word adhiraja was rendered factual in the battle. 

(V. 17) He (i.e. Pralcatadharmma) presented to the asectics shining BhadrSsanas made 
of the long-ivory tusks of the rutting elephants of the vanquished king which had 
been felled with large arrows on the battle-field. 

(V. IS) From the same king who had been quickly beaten in the battle field, by 
him (i. e. by Prakalidharmma) were taken the choicest ladies of the harem and they 
were presented 'to the god Vrishabhadhvaja (Siva) as a symbol of the world-illumina- 
ting valour of his , aims. 

(V, 19) By him was excavated this tank called Vibhiskana-saras, which looked like , 
the replica of the extensive Bindusaras, after having apportioned in a praiseworthy 
gesture the meritorious fruits thereof to his grandfather, the king Vibhlshanavarddhana. 


(V. 20) Besides, he got constructed a temple almost equal to that of the foot of 
the Himalayan mountain for the god Sthaau (Siva) who is the cause of the creation 
of the three worlds and whose dark-blue neck was shining because of being covered 
by the rays emitted by the crescent moon which had slipped during his forceful dancing, 

(V. 21) When a total of five hundred and seventy and two [Vikrama] years had been 
completed, when the god of Love was manifested in the interiors of the fountain- 
houses where were seen, along with their beloveds, damsels emaciated by the heat 
of the summer Sun 

(V. 22-23) By the directions of that king who was like the very symbol of Bharata- 
varsha, he (i, e. Bbagavaddosha whose name occurs in verse 26 below) got constructed, 
in Dafapura, the temple of PrakaMvara. And, inside the same township (he got 
constructed) the beautiful temple of Brahman, which, with its cloud-barring pinnacles, 
was, as if, measuring the very skies. 

{V. 24) Who, for the refuse of ascetics and for those who were intent upon prac- 
tising sankhyayoga, established habitations named after Krishna and Bujjuka. 

(V. 25) Who, averse as he was to injustice, got implemented many acts of philan- 
thropy and piety such as (the construction ofj halls, wells, monasteries (matha), 
pleasure gardens, and temples of the gods. 

(V. 26-27) By him, Bhagavaddosha, the Rajasthamya, who shunned demerits and who 
was the son of the minister of the predecessor of this king, this extensive tank, which 
puts to shame the sea itself, and this temple of Sutin (Siva), which pierces through 
the clouds, were respectively excavated and got constructed. 

(V. 28) For as along as the wind, which carries the pleasant fragrance of sweet 
smelling flowers turning the tender sprouts of the creepers, blows, this lovely tank 
and the temple of Sambhu may till then spread their fame devoid of all evil. 

(V. 29) The euology of this king, who was a person of meritorious deeds, was 
composed by Vasula, the son of Kakka in the above words of praise. 

Notes :- 

1 As In the well-known Aihoje prtalasli of PolekeSi II (ElVlp. 4.) wherein, after the invocatory 
versa and before the commencement of the dynastic genealogy, this famous _Ghalukya emperor 
is introduced as Satyadraya the reigning king, so also in the Risthat inscription, after the invoca- 
tory verse and before the commencement of the family genealogy, the reigning king Prakaia- 
dharmma is introduced in verse two as Bhagavatprakaia. 

2 The reading of the name Drapavarddhana on the stone as well as in the estampages is very 
clear though the nama itself is an extremely unusual one. The word drapa is not included in 
Sanskrit lexicons though drSpa occurs in such varied meanings as mud, mire, heaven, sky, 


a fool, block head, an idiot and also as a name of Siva, (Monier Williams : Skt.fog. 
p, 440, s,v.), However, the king's name does not appear to be connected with 
On the other hand, in the light of the known historical circumstances of the period in 
question, it may be suggested that the progenitor of the Aulikara families was either of foreign 
extiaction or a tribal chieftain raised to the level of a ruling king, In this connection, it is 
interesting to note that the well-known astronomer Varahamihira states (ty/tarfiMfl, ch. 86, 
verse 2) that ha consulted the views, among others, of MiikmjatHiifaja Dravyavarddhana, the 
ruler of Avanti, while writing his chapter on whims. Mirashi has rightly suggested that this 
Dravyavarddhana belonged to the Mifaru family, though he wrongly makes him the father of 
YaSodharmma (Ve, Men in kMni Vol. I, pp, 207-209), it is very likely that Dravya- 
varddhana, mentioned by Varahamihira, is the same as Drapavarddhana of the Risthal inscription. 
As for the subsequent change of <frp into drmyu, it may be safely presumed that, in the 
course of successively recopying the manuscript of the ty/taifi/iiffl, one copyist or the other 
must have effected the change either because the earlier manusctipt-copy utilized by him as the 
oiiginal may have suffered damage or merely because he wanted a meaningful name, 

3 Fleet: CU, III, pp. 14248 and plate. 

4 ML and pp, 150.58 and plate. 

5 Tlie Classical ty> p. 40. 

6 From inked estampages. 

7 Read 

8 Read 

9 Read 


Ancient Indian epigraphs contain 

many titles and designations which are 

also, sometimes, found in the literature. 

The study of these may throw valuable 

light on the socio-cultural life of the 

contemporary society. In this connection 

the title Sieshthin, which occurs in some 

Gupta and subsequent epigraphs, need 

to bo investigated. Interestingly enough, 

this also finds mention even in the early 

literature. The term Sreshthin (Pali-Set thi) 

ctyraologically stands for best or chief, 

which also means 'having the best, a 

distinguished man, a person of rank or 

authority, a warrior of high rank, an 

eminent artisan, the head or chief of an 

association following the same trade or 

industry or the President of a guild. 1 

The word first occurs in the Altareya 

Bralmantf and the Taittlnya Btahmana.* 

The inscriptions of the Gupta period 
refer to the Sreshthin as assisting in the 
local administration. The Damodarpur 
Copper Plate inscriptions, 1 discovered in 
the north Bengal, covering ninety years 
(A.D. 443 534) of the Gupta rule, recording 
a peculiar kind of land transaction in 
which a, person pays some money in lieu 
of the price of the land to be donated 
for pious religious purposes, as a perpe- 
tual grant, are important from this point 
of view. The two Damodarpur Copper 
plate inscriptions 5 at the time of KumSra- 
gupta I (124 G,E =443-44 A. D. and 129 G.E,= 
448-49 A.D.) record the grant of the land 

Sheo Bahadur Singh 

to a certain brahmin for performing 
religious rites by the local government of 
Kotivarslia Vishaya which constituted a cor- 
porate body of Kttmardmatya, Nagara Sresh- 
thin, SMhavaha, Prathama Kayastha 
and Prathama Kulika. The Damodarpur 
Copper Plate inscription at the time of 
Budhagupta 1 (c. 476-95 A. D.) is interesting 
as far as it records a grant of the land 
to Nagara Sreshthin Ribhupala for erecting 
temples after paying the equal price of 
the land as commoners paid. It follows, 
thus, that the District Officer was asso- 
ciated with the Nagam Sreshthin, the 
Sanhavaha, the Prathama Kulika and the 
Prathama Kayastha in some sort of land 
transactions. These persons are occasio- 
nally referred to as a Board of Advisors 
or Municipal Board. Moreover, it is not 
possible to determine whether these four 
persons were associated with the District 
Officer in other affairs of government or 
regularizing this particular type of transac- 
tions. In the city, there might have been 
many Swhthins but how the Nagara Sieihthin 
was chosen, we do not know. However, 
it can be deduced that the state recogni- 
sed one Nagara Sreshthin for each town 
who played an important role in the adminis- 
tration of the district. But in the villages 
the grant of land was transacted by other 
officials, such as Mahnttara, Ashtakuladhi- 
karaya, Grqmika and Kafumbin as is evident 
from another Damodarpur Copper plate 
inscription 7 at the time of Budhagupta 
(G. E. 163=483 A. D.) 


We have evidence about individual 
Srsshthm having seals. An Ahichchhalra 
bone seal has a legend in two lines- 
'Sodikaye, Sethlputasa' (son of a Sreshthi). 
A Sreshthi from Bhita has seal with legend 
'Jayavasudcih'. A Kausambi copper seal 
has a legend 'Sreshfhiputra ~Go- pa'. Some 
clay seals from Basarh 8 are noteworthy for 
the legends 'Sreshfhikulika-nigama' (corpora- 
tion or chamber of bankers and traders) and 
'Sreshthisarthavaha Kuhkamgama' (corpora- 
tion or chamber of bankers, traders and 
industrialists). The names of two Sreshttiins 
Shashthidatta and Sridasa are stamped on 
a seal of 'Sredifhi Sarthavaha kuhkanigama'. 
Evidently these corporate bodies were re- 
lated with the local government in some 
manner so far as a certain type land 
transaction was concerned. Whether, they 
were included in the Advisory Board due 
to their importance as representative of 
the guilds or otherwise, is not correctly 

The Mrichchhakatika* drama interestingly 
records that the Adhikaranika (Judge) is 
to take the help of two Sabhyas - one 
Steslifhin and one Kayastha in the matters 
of legal judgement. This shows how Sreshfhin 
was also sometimes holding an important 
position in the judiciary. Possibly he was 
appointed by the king and authorised to 
pronounce judgement but the king had the 
last word about the exact punishment. 
This practice continues even in the medie- 
val period as is evident from the Dhureti 
Copper Plate inscription at the time of 
Chanddlas 10 . It records that a village had 
bsen mortgaged by a '&iivite religious ins- 
titution, which transferred to the mortga- 
gee the right of collec ing taxes, presuma- 
bly till the dues were cleared. The deed 


of mortgagee was registered with thepancha- 
kula consisting of Sandhivigrahika, Kotta- 
pala and a Sreshthin who was also the 
writer of deeds, these three constituting a 
body of dharmadhikarcna for the judge- 
ment of the disputes of merchants. It is 
a well known fact that the dharmadhi- 
karana was a court of justice. 

The Gwalior inscription 11 during the 
reign of Bhoja (A. D, 876) records that the 
administration of the city of Gwalior was 
conducted by a board (vara) consisting of 
the Kottapala Alia, Baladhikrita Tattaka 
Sthanadhikrita Steshthi Vavviyaka and Sar- 
thavahapramukha Ichchhuvaka. Apparently, 
Sthanadhikrita means the commander of a 
police or military outpost and it seems 
that Vavviyaka, though a Sreshthi was pro- 
bably the chief of the police outpost. The 
Anavada inscription during the time of 
Sarangadeva records that the pafichamukha 
nagara of Palhanpur met together and im- 
posed certain taxes. It is known from the 
epigraph that the paftchatnukha nagara insti- 
tution included the paHchokula, the purohi- 
tas, the mahajanas (i.e., merchant includ- 
ing from all sections of the society, such 
as Sadhu - Sahukar, Sreshthi, fhakura, 
Son! (goldsmith) Kamsara (brazier), the 
Vanijyamkas (Vanjars) and Nan - Vitlakas 
(ship owners). The inclusion of the per- 
sons belonging to the lower castes and 
occupations in the city administration is 
evident here. This corporate body was 
looking after the city administration, rai- 
sing funds, administering oath and was 
informed of sale deeds of houses and 
female slaves. Another inscription 12 
( 1247 A. D.) is rather noteworthy as it 
records that Mallikeshthih has obtained 
the adhipatya (governorship) of Beluvala 


Raj\ a from his father-in-law BJchi 3resh- 
thin, while in a second in.cription 13 , 
huied a yeai later, MalluSreshthin is repre- 
sented as making a grant at the instance 
of his father-in-law Bichan (BIchi-Setthi), 
the s.irmlhihdw. It, thus, appears that 
the ,wnw/M win was very much power- 
ful and, probably, was a Chief Minister 
in the state. 

The reference of $ eshthin in the anci- 
ent literature is not wanting. It occurs 
for the first time in the Vedic literature 14 . 
In the Jtitakas, tins was a reputed class 
holding high rank in the king's court and 
outside 11 . The Sclthi term probably im- 
plied the headship or a representative 
over some soit of industry or trading 18 , 
or an office (thana) held during the life 
time which was probably hereditary 17 . It 
seems that he had to play a double role- 
that of an official as well as of a rich 
trader. In his official capacity, he attends 
to the king daily 16 . He has to take for- 
mal permission of the king if he wants 
to renounce the world 11 * or desires to give 
hi-> wealth in charity 20 . 

In the Jatakas his role as a wealthy 
and influential merchant is much more 
defined than his part as an official. A 
Setthi residing in VaraijasI, engages in 
trade and leads a caravan of five hund- 
red waggons 51 . Even in the villages and 
towns they possessed a lot of wealth and 
influence 32 . If we leave aside the conven- 
tional statement of their wealth amount- 
ing to eight hundred millions 

Notes :- 


bhavof , we find that the SeffM had in 
their possession magnificient palaces with 
fine coaches, servants and herdsmen 24 . 
Occasionally they also possessed rice 
fields 25 . Thus, they were not only trades- 
men, but also cattle rearing and land 
cultivating owners of the soil 38 . There 
were also maha Setthi (chief official) and 
ami Setthi (subordinate officer) denoting 
different categories among themselves 27 . 
Thus, the general inference can be dedu- 
ced from the literature that Steshthin were 
tradesmen, big land holders as well as 
officials of the king. 

In ancient India Sreshthin seems to 
have been influential persons due to their 
financial stability. Their financial position 
helped them in the administrative field 
also. They held high positions of Nagara 
Sreshthin, Sthan'adhikrita, Sabhya, Paiicha- 
mukhanagara, Adhipatya and Sarvddhikarin, 
thus variously helping the administration 
of the government at different levels, 
such as local administration, Police, judi- 
ciary and high executive power in the 
ancient India. It shows their significance 
in the society ; even the administration 
has had to take note of their prominence. 
The term Setthi or Setha is a corrupt 
form of the Sreshfhin which is still vogue 
in modern times. Sethi is a gotta used 
by some Panjabis in Panjab and Haryana. 
Besides this anybody and everybody 
who resorts to business profession, without 
concerning his caste and creed is known" 
as a Sefha even at present. 

1 Monhr Williams, Sanskrit- English Dictionary, p 1102 

2 ///, 30, 3. 


3 ///, 1, 4, 10, 

4 /,,-Vol. XV, pp. 113.45. 

5 Ibid, pp. 130 ff 'Nugawr'eshthi-Dhritipala Sarthataha Baml/miitfa Pratlmn Kuhkit Dhritimitra pm- 
thama Ka(ya)stha Sambapala. 

6 El., Vol. XV, p, 138 ff. 

7 El, XV, p. 135 ff. Mi/iattaf-iidyashtakuladhi(ku)(Ra)i)a Gramika Kutumbinai-clut. 

8 ASIAR, pp, 144-16, cf. K, K, Thaplyal, Studies in Ancient Indian Seals, pp, 229-30, 

9 Chap. IX. 

10 El., Vol. XXV, p. 1. 

11 El., Vol. I, p. 159, 

12 EL, Vol.'m/F, p. 34. 

13 Annual Report of Epigraphy, 1 926, No. 426, 

14 Ailmsya Br'ahnmna, III, 30, 3 ; Taittitiya Brahmana Iff, 1, 4, 10. 

15 /, V, p. 382 (Raja, pujito nugara jawpujito). 

16 The famous Sefihi of Rajagaha Anathapi^slika, the millionaire, lay supporter of the Buddha, had 
evidently some authority over his fellow traders Mahmgga. VIII, 1, 16 ff.) ; Richard Pick thinks 
that Sfrti/j/AiVi was a representative of the commercial community. The Social Organisation in North 
East Mia in Buddha's time, pp. 259 ff. 

17 /., /, pp. 122, 231, 248, 348. 

18 J. L, pp, 120, 269, 349, 

19 J., a, p. 64. 

20 J.'V, p. 333. 

21 J., I, p. 270. 

22 J., I p. 451 ; 7K, pp. 37, 169. 

23 J, I, pp. 349, 466 ; ///, pp. 128, 300, 444, 

24 J,, I, p. 351, 

25 /., II, p. 378. 

26 Pick, op, cit., p, 263. 

27 J., V, p. 384; cf. MahSiagga, 1.8. 


Ajay Mitra Shastri and Ghandrashekar Gupta 

The plates under publication were 
found some forty years earlier in the field 
belonging to Shri Mohanlal Motilal Lad- 
dada (now sold to Shri Ramachandra 
Kashiram Kinekar), a resident of Kondha}i, 
at Masoda, a small village under Mauja 
Raniathi and Kondhali Police Station in 
the Katol Taluka of the Nagpur District, 
Maharashtra State, by one Shri Sitaram 
Piiranaji Ladlce. One of us (Dr. Chandra- 
shckhar Gupta), when Registering Officer 
(Antiquities) of the Nagpur Zone in 1976, 
had these plates acquired through the good 
offices of the district and local authorities 
and deposited in the Central Museum 
where they are now preserved. The Curator 
of the Museum placed these plates at his 
disposal for cleaning and study. They were 
then cleaned and their estam pages were 
prepared through the good offices of the 
Manager, Government Printing Press, Nag- 
pur. And it is from these impressions as 
will as the original plates that the charter 
is being edited in these pages. 

The inscription is incised on a set of 
five plates of copper. The first plate is 
inscribed only on the inner (or second] 
side, while the rest of the plates bear writing 
on both sides. The plates measure 17,2 
cms. in length and 8. 5 cms. in breadth 
(or height), Some of the plates are slightly 
larger in the middle than at the corners. 
The edges of the plates are neither raised 
into rims nor made thicker for the pro- 
tection of writing ; but the writing is in 
a fair state of preservation. The plates, 

are 3 mm thick, and their total weight 
isl.5kgm. A circular hole, 1,2 cms. in 
diameter, is bored about the middle of the 
margin of the left, at a distance of about 
4 cms- from the left, for the passage of 
the circular copper ring on which these 
plates were strung together. The seal was 
missing when the plates were discovered. 

The epigraph contains in all forty-nine 
lines of writing. Of these the inner side 
of the first plate, both sides of the second 
and third plates and the second side of 
the fourth plate bear five lines each, whereas 
seven lines are engraved on the first side 
of the fourth plate and six on both sides 
of the fifth plate. 

The characters, like those of practi- 
cally all the Vakataka records, 1 belong to 
the box-headed variety of the Central 
India alphabets -with southern peculiarities 
and share the general character of those 
employed for the other records of the 
time of Pravarasena II. We may, how- 
ever, note that the final consonant is 
similar to the ordinary letter but smaller 
in size and without a box on top, as 
m in the opening word siddham in line 
1. The letter / is written both with (e.g , 
W, 1.2; vijayi*, 1,11; Va/a, 11. 16 
and 18) and without the top-box (e.g,, 
O ra/u", 11. 6, 8 and 9 ; jala, I 7 ; saiya- 
rjja\ I 10). The subscript y and v are 
written in a highly cursive fashion and 
are so similar in appearance as to be 
distinguishable only by the contextual 
considerations. The visarga is written in a 



variety of ways : two horizontal strokes 
placed one above the other, as in 11. 3, 28 
and 39 ; two vertical strokes one below 
the other, as in 11. 4 and 20 ; a dot above 
a horizontal line, as in 1. 14; a somewhat 
curved stroke above a horizontal line, as 
in 1. 2, and vice versa (1. 41) ; a semicircle 
open in the lower part above a semi-cir- 
cle open on right, as in line 19 ; a couple 
of vertically pjaced curved strokes one 
above the other, as in 1. 29 ; two semi- 
circular strokes open to right one below 
the other (1.42), etc. The sign for jhva- 
mullya is met with in lines 2 and 38 and 
that for upadhmaniya in lines 14 and 17. 
We find a punctuation mark looking like 
visarga in lined 41 and 43. 

The language is Sanskrit, and the 
record is composed throughout in prose 
but for a couple pf imprecatory stanzas 
in lines 46-48. Like other Vakataka cop- 
per-plate charters, it is replete with ortho- 
graphical errors which are too numerous 
to 'be enumerated. A few points may, 
however, be noted. Final letters and 
anusvara are too often left out to need 
enumeration. The consonants following 
repha are often reduplicated, as in saty- 
arjjava, 1, 10; 6 bhivarddha\ 1. 12 ; Vvvfl- 
katak'and", 1. 13 ; guy-arppaya, 1. 15. etc. 
There are also instances of the redupli- 
cation of the consonants preceding r, as 
in parakkrama\ 1. 6; vikkrama, 1. 10; 
*&=chakkra\ 1. 13, etc. Sometimes the 
letter preceding y is also found redupli- 
cated, e.g., Bhaglratty=amala, L 6. A/ is 
employed in place of n in karunya, 1. 10, 
while the examples of the replacement of 
the former by the latter are fairly nume- 
rous as will be obvious from a perusal 
of the text. Ri is used instead of ri in 

diishti at the beginning of the record, 
while in sambtajafy in 1. 3 mra is trans- 
formed into mbra. Some of these features 
apparently have their origin in faulty 
pronunciation obtaining during the period 
in question, 

We get some idea of the way in 
which omissions were supplied and correc- 
tions made. In the expression da&-abvamedh~ 
avabhritha in line 7 the akshara bhri was 
originally left out by oversight but later 
added talow the line in question exactly 
between va and tha, which is its proper 
place, without any mark (kdkapada, etc.) 
indicating where it was meant to be in- 
serted. In line 20, the word traya is for- 
med by correction. Originally nashya was 
incised and then, after the mistake was 
realised, the letter na was corrected to 
Ira by adding a small stroke to its left 
limb and a curve open to left at the bottom 
of the vertical line ; similary shya was 
altered into )&, and in this process the 
subscribed ya was rubbed off only par- 
tially, its traces being still visible. 

The charter refers itself to the reign 
of king of the Nandivar- 
dhana branch of the Vakatakas, and its 
object is to register the grant of land in 
favour of a large number of Brahmana 

Like most other completed copper- 
plate charters of the dynasty, the inscrip- 
tion commences with the word drishtam, 
incised in the margin, which serves as an 
authentication mark, and the auspicious 
formula siddham svasti, These are followed 
by the mention of the place of issue, 
Pravarapura, from which several grants of 
the later years (beginning with the fifteenth 



regnal year) of Pravarasena Hare known 
to have been issued. Next follows the 
genealogical account of the family, or 
rather that branch of the family to which 
Pravarasena belonged, from the beginning 
to the time of the issuing chief himself. 
This account is of a conventional charac- 
ter common to other records of his time 
with only a couple of differences. In 
connection with the description of Rudra- 
sena II, the father of the issuing chief, 
we find a passage saying that he had 
obtained victories in many battles (aneka- 
sangrama-vijayinak} and that he was an 
adornment of the Vakafaka lineage which 
had been rendered excellent by the proper 
application of the six measures of policy 2 
(sha4=guy-~arppana-pratosta-Vakajaka - van 
(m}k-al(ihkaia~-bhutasya} which is not met 
with, in any other record. We next come 
to the grant portion which records the 
gift of some land, by Pravarasena II, to 
the north-west of the village 3 Matsaka- 
draha in the low-lying &K&(gartta-sabha} 
of the river Rajafintinika situated in the 
apara-marga of Padmapura in favour of a 
number of brahmanas specified with their 
respective goiras. Three hundred 'lands' 
(bhumi-Suta-traya} measured by the royal 
measurement (raja-manika-manertaf are said 
to have been granted, though the exact 
measurement is left unspecified. We can 
justifiably assume, however, that the in- 
tended measurement was nivartuna which 
is known to have been mentioned in a num- 
ber of Vakataka records. Thus, in all 
land measuring three hundred mvai tanas 
was given away. It is said to have bsen 
given at the request of the chief queen 
(bhaiya-mahtidevi) whose name is, however, 
left unspecified. The land was divided in 

all into twenty-five house-sites (v'ataka) of 
which two shares were given to one Malia- 
purusha who is described as the non-accep- 
tor of donations (apratigrahin). The details 
of thp remaining donees hrahmanas are 
given below :- 

Name Gotta <*nd other details 

Bopparyya Kaundiuya ; learned in 

the four Vedas 
(Vishijvarya) Bharadvaja 

Aratyaryya Bharadvaja 

Bhavaryya Parafora 

Bhavaputraryya ParaSara 

Golaryya Bharadvaja 
Sriyaryya (Sryaryya) Bharadvaja 

Bopparyya Kasyapa 

Narayatjaryya Kadika 

Achalaryya Kanaka 

Devaryya Kaundinya 

Damaryya Kaundinya 

Ketavfiryya Kaufiika 

Kumararyya Vatsa 

Damaryya Kasyapa, 

Golaryya Kanndinya 

Golaryya Katyapa 

Kottaryya Gauiama 

Rudraryya Gautama 6 

It will be noticed that while the -dona- 
ted land was divided into twenty-five 
house-sites, the details given above account 
only for twenty-one plots, viz., two for 
Mahapurusha and one each for the re- 
maining nineteen brahmanas named above. 
It seems that either the names of some 
of the donees have fcen left out or the 
number df shares in case of the recipients 



to more than one plots have been dropped 
by oversight. It will follow from the 
details that each plot consisted only of 
twelve nwartanas and was thus of a very 
small size. The grant, which was accom- 
panied by the usual exemptions and pri- 
vileges commonly enumerated in Vakataka 
grants, was made by the king by his own 
order (5 va-mukh~djna) and conveyed to go- 
vernment officials headed by Senapati 
Katyayana. The charter concludes with a 
couple of imprecatory stanzas cited in the 
name of Vyasa and the specification of the 

Unfortunately three letters of the por- 
tion of the text specifying the year have 
become too faint to b; deciphered ; but 
keeping in vie,w the known regnal years of 
Pravarasena II, the first two letters (eku= 
eko) and the concluding letter (d) and the 
number of missing letters traces of which 
are clearly discernible, it can bo restored 
as ekonavimiad or eoknatrim&ad and the 
regnal year specified in our record would 
accordingly be nineteenth or twenty-ninth. 
And no incongruity will fo involved in 
this "reconstruction as both these years are 
already known from other records, 8 How- 
ever, if the name of the Senapati may 
be taken as an indication,' twenty-ninth 
would appear to be the more likely year ; 
for, Katyayana is referred to as Senapati 
in the Pattan plates of Pravarasena II's 
twenty-seventh year" which is only a cou- 
ple of years earlier than the proposed date 
of the present record, If .this suggestion 
is found acceptable, it would follow that 
Katyayana continued to hold the office of 
Senapati till at least the twenty-ninth year 
of Pravarasena II's reign. Further, this 
would then prove to be the latest known 

record of the king ; for, the Pandhurna 
plates of the same year were issued about 
a couple months earlier. 9 The date is 
specified in season, viz., fifth day of the 
second fortnight of the rainy season. This 
would, thus, be one of the few season 
dates of Pravarasena II's reign. 10 

Last as regards the localities mentioned 
in this charter, Matsakadraha, the village 
beside which the donated land was situated 
is undoubtedly identical with the modern 
village of Masod, the provenance of the 
plates,' in the Katol Tahsil of the Nagptir 
District. The village is stated ito have been 
situated in the npara-marga of Padma- 
pura, There has been some uncertainty 
regarding the connotation of the word marga 
some taking it in the common sense of 
'road' and others holding it to refer to 
an administrative division. But the referecce 
to the donation of the village of Jama- 
lakhetaka situated in the Jamalakhetaka- 
marga in the Mahurjhari grant of Prithi- 
vishena II 11 clinches., the issue by showing 
taat the word marga in the Vakataka 
records has to be taken in the sense of 
an administrative unit. 12 The mention of 
the purva-marga of Padmapura in the 
unpublished Mandhal plates of Rudrasena 
II indicates that the district was divi- 
ded into at least two parts, viz., western - 
and eastern. The western division obviou- 
sly comprised the area round Matsakadraha 
or Masod, while the purw-marga was 
situated to its east. Unfortunately, Padma- 
pura, the chief town of the district, cannot 
be satisfactorily identified. The same is 
true about the river Rajatintiuika, which 
may now be ' represented by one of the 
small streams in the vicinity of Masod. 




1 Dri{dri}sh|i(shiam) 14 ['*] Siddhath svasti['*] Prawapurfd - agnish|om - aplByyij. 

f nya 'm - okthya - shBdaiy - atiratrafc(tra) - 
? vajapeya - bfihaspi(spa)tisava saadyakra(skra)tu ia - chatur-aiva-ma(mejdha ~ 

yajinah 1 " 

3 vfchnuvfiddha - sagstrasya sambra(mii tjal? 1 ' Vaka(lca)takanfim mahfl 

4 rajd - sri(Sri) - Pravarasenasya sun6[h*] sunoti 13 atyanta ~ svami mahabhai- 

5 rava - bkiktasya a(am)sa - rabha(bha)ra - sannive^ita - ^iva - ling - odvahana - ^iva - 


6 sufsulparitushta - sanuitpadita - raja - vam^ana(nam) parakkram - adhigi(ga)ta 
bhagiratthy - 

7 amala - Jala - m5rddhna(murddh-a)bhishiktan5(naA) da^ - a^va - medh - avabjjritha 10 
- snala(ta)na(nlm) Bhara^'vana(narh) 

8 maharaja - lri(irl) - Bhavanaga - dauhitrasya Gautamipu[tra*]sya putrasya 

9 V5ka(ka^aknarraa(nam=maharaja-iri-RudraseDasya sun6r=atyatta(nta)-,naahei5varasya 

10 sat) - Srjjava - karmiyafaya) - fetiryya - vikkran\a-naya - vinaya - ma(ma)hatmya - 
dhimatva(ttva) - patragata - 


1 1 bhakfitva - dharmma - vijayitva - mano - nna j(nai)rmmaly - adi - guriais = samnpetasya 
vursha - Sata 

12 m - abhivarddhamana - koia - da^da - sadhana - satta(nta)na - putra - pautra 2 " - 
Yudhish|hira - vjitte 

13 r=vVSkBtakanarommafm=m)ahacaja-Sri-P|ithivishe9asya snobha(sunor = bha}- 

gavatas=Chakkra - 

14 pai?eh=pras5d - oparjjita -'in ~ samudayasy - ana(ne)ka - sangrama - vijayinalj 

15 sha - - arppap - prafesta - Vakataka - van^a(vath^ - a)lankarabhiitasya Va( Va)- 

! ' 


jfidhirtja - in - Dmgupta - su 

- Whpjti(ta) - kartatyu- 
18 kanim=p ara nia - mahel^ - - Pravaraslnasya vachana[i*] 


19 Padmapurasy - apara - margge Matsakadrahan= namna(mna) gramalj[i '"} asya cha - apar 
- ottara - parfve 

20 raja - manika - manena bhu(bMi'mi - 6ata - traya(yam) SJ bharyya(ryya) Mahadevi(vim) 
vijnapy=apra(pra)tigrahi - 


21 ?a:5=ch=atra maha(maha)pu[ru*]shasya(sy"am)5a - dvaya(yath) brahmap(na)3=cha 
Kaundinya(nya)sagotra= chatu 

22 r=vveda Bo 2 ' 1 (?)pparyya[h'- |! ] Bliaradvaja-gautra 25 Visli^uvaryya^*] Bharadvaj- 

23 Parata - Bliavaryyaflj.*] Para^ara Bhavaputraryya[h*] Bharadvaja - Gollaryya^*] 

24 Bharadvaja - Sriyaryyafh*] K%apa ~ sagotra Bopparyyaft*] Kau^ika - Naiiyanaryya[ii*] 

25 Kau^ika Aclialaryya[ya^ l! ] Kaundigiya(nya) Devaryya[yali*] Kaundin.ya(nya) 


26 Kauiika - Ke$i(4a)varyya[fc*] Vatsa - KumSraryyaft*] Vatsa - Kumaraiyya[b*] K55- 
yapa - Padamaryya[ti*] Kaun^i]jya(nya) - 

27 Golaryya[k*] Ka^yapa - Gola(la)ryya[h.*] Gautama - Kottaryya[lji*]Gautama - Ru- 

28 29 Rajatintin.ika - nadi - gartta - sabhamadhye .vataka - bhumili 


29 evam - biihmanaija - dev - aesya 2 ' ha Pancha - vi(vin)^atya vva(va)takah gramasya 
(sy - a)para-par^ve 

30 datta&['*] yato = smat - satta(nta)fcasa(kas = sa)rvva - addhyaksha - niyoga - niyukta 
ajiia - sanchSri(ri) 

31 kula - putr - adhikrita bhata^ = chha(chha)trai$=cha vri(vi)shi(^ri)ta - purvya[rwa)tha 
(y-a)jiia(jna)y - ajnapa - 

32 28 yitavya[l? i*] 


33 yatlie(th-a)smabhir=atmano dharmm - ayur - bbalam - ai^varyya 89 vivjiddhaye ihe 
(ih= a)iimtra-hita - 

34 rttham - atm ~ anugrabaya Vau(Vai)jayike dharmastha^e(ne) abhajach=chha(chha)tra 

35 a - parampara - gS - balivardda[h*] a - pushpa - kshi(kshi)ra - sandoha[h*] a - char - 


36 charm - aftgarath*] a - lavana - klinna - kletji - kla(kha)naka[li*] a - sarvva - ve(vi) 
sh|i - parihara - 

37 parihfitafo*] sa - parikli(klri)pt - opankiKklrijptafh*] a - chandr - aditya - kaliya 
ft*] putra- 


38 pautr - aflugama[hi*]bliimjata(tam) im kenachi[d*j vya(vya)ghata&=kartavyas= sarvva - 

kriyahhi[h*] sa(san)rakshi - 

39 tavyah parivarddhyitavya5=clia ya^=ch=asmach=chhak(sa)n6'najm=agaijayamana 
[jj*] svalpam - apl 

40 paiibadha(dham) kuryyat=ka(t=ka)ri(ra)yita va lasya brahmana(ijai)r = ava(ve)ditasya 

sa - danda(9daiii) 

41 nigraham - kuryyama ' Apu(pu)rwa - datta udaka - pu(pu)vva(rvva)m - atisrishta(ta) 
[i*] uchita (tam)4 = ch = asya 

42 pu(pu)rvva raj -'aniimata(tam)^ = chatur - vvedya maryy(ryya)da pariharan vitara(ra) 
mah[i*] Tad = yatha a-kara - 

43 dayi(yi) da^^lo(ndaj - nigraha(ham) kuryya(ryya)ma so [ti*i] Api cha 31 dharmm - 
adhikarane 82 atit - aneka 33 - 


44 rajatta 31 senapato(ti) - Katya^a(n - a)dayo sakha - mukh - ajnapte prabha - 

45 vishiju - gauravad = va bhavishya vijMpayitavya 36 Vyasa - gi(gi)tau ch=atra -^loko 
(kau) pra - 

46 mani(9i)karttavya(vyau)[i*][svaldatta(ttaih) para - datta(ttam) va jo(yo) harete(ta) 
vansu(su)ndhara[mi*] Gava(vam)iata - saha - 

47 srasya hatu(ntu)fi=pibati a ' dushkrita[m !*] Shashti - varisha 37 sahasraiji svargge 
modati bhu[mi*]da[dali*] Achchhe 

48 tta ch - aaumatta(nta) cha tany = iva narake [va*]se[t 2u*] Varisha 38 eku(ko)- 
(natrimia ao )d - varsha(e) - paksha(//!e) dviti(ti)ya(ye) 

49 divasa(se) pa(pa)nchama(mi)[*J 

Notes :- 

1 The Poona plates of Prabhavatiguptl form the only known exceptibfi. 

2 Th8 six measures of policy are smdht (peace or treaty), vigrahd (war), aa(!ndiflerencSj/ 
yana, (marching or increasing one's own power); sm^a;(submissiOh) and dmdhibhnm (dtiai 


* r ' ' -?" * ' i' 

policy, *.,' entering into psacs with one and war with another). See ArthdMm, vil 1; 
P. V. Kane, History of Dhannalastm, iii, pp. 222if. 

3 Elsewhere in this record (line 29) the donated land is said to have lain to the west of the village. 

4 The reference to royal or standard measurement would show that different measurements were 
prevalent in different areas of the kingdom. We know from ancient Indian literalure that two 
standards of measuiement enjoyed great popularity in early times, viz., Magadha and Kalinga. 
See Ajay Mitra Shastri, India as seen in the Brihatsamkita of Varahamihira, Delhi, 1969 pp 341-42' 
Raja-mana is mentioned in some other records of Pravarasena II also. For references, see 
V. V. Mirashi, CII, Vol. V : Inscriptions of the V&kalakas, p. 58, note 2. 

6 The word sa-gStra is employed only in a few cases, while in a majority of the cases gStias 
are named without any such expression following them. 

6 Riddhapur and Pandhurna plates were issued in the nineteenth and twenty-ninth years respec 
live. See Mirashi, op. cit., nos. 8 and 14. 

7 It must be pointed out that this is not a sure indication as we find instances of some of the 
Sendpatis being mentioned jn intermittent years. 

8 Ibid., p. 61, text-line 44. 

9 Ibid., p. 67, text-lines 52-53. 

10 For another season date of Pravarasena II 's reign, see Ibid., p. 46, text-line 28 (Dudia pis.). 
The unpublished Yawatmal pfates of the same reign also bear season date. 

11 Vidarbha SaModhana Mandala Yarsliika, 1971, p. 76, text-lines 27-28 and 33-34. 

12 The case appears to be analogous to Uttarapatha and Dakshiijipatha which originally denoted 
northern and southern highways but in course of time came to be applied respectively to North 
India and the Deccan, ths areas through which the highways passed. 

13 From original plates and impressions. 

14 It is engraved below siddham between the first and the second lines in the margin on the left. 

15 In other records we have simply sadyaski-a 

16 There is a superfious slanting stroke over }i. 

17 Better read samrajo. Here as well as at many other places sandhi rules have not been observed. 

18 Better read sunor, 

19 Shfi, which was left out by oversight, has been engraved, though in a shorter form, below 
the line, exactly between the aksharas va and tha, where it is expected. 

20 In other plates we generally have putra - pautiiiiah. 

21 The phrase from aneka - sangrama to Vakafakanam is met with only in this charter, 

22 The title ParamamSheima is found employed for Pravarasina II only in some of the grants of 
his reign. 

23 First na was engraved and corrected to tra; similarly shya has been corrected to ya, subscript 
y being partly rubbed off. 


24 The reading of this letter is extremely doubtful and is bassd merely on the fact that the names 
beginning with Boppa and Bappa are common in the Vab'taka records, 

25 In keeping with the general practice, better read sagftn, 

26 This line is boldly engraved as compared to other lines, 

27 The correct restoration and meaning of this portion are uncertain, 

28 These letters are engraved below the last but four letters ol the preceeding line, 

29 Read-to vi/0; attwyyu. 

30 This is an unnecessary repetition, of, 11.40-41, 

31 In other plates we generally find the word miini= ck 

32 dlmnm jdsrakmne, is the common expression in other charters. 

33 Read otit -Mfa as in other plates, 

34 Read rUjs-Mm and complete the sentence by adding sMinlw poriptiwh kritct . puny - 
"mkli'tlm-panksf - Mtlm w Mafma\ m . mM - tfnapte ishyat kata prtihmhw 
Mshfit* ck 

35 Read Vij 

36 Normally we have Imtur-hmi 

37 Read mhi. 

38 Read wshl 


39 This portion has become very faint, but the proposed reading seems to find support from the 
fact mentioned above viz, reference to Sktyati Kttftyw, 


H, R. Raghunath Bhat 

It is needless to emphasise that fresh 
epigraphical discoveries made from time 
to time not only serve to improve our 
knowledge of Karnataka's past, but do 
help us in the interpretation of certain 
sodo-cultural issues like the popular use 
of Kannada as the language of the official 
record in the ancient period, Kelagundli 
inscription of the time ofKadamba Ravi- 
varma is one of the recently discovered 
epigraphs of absorbing interest for more 
than one reason. 1 

The inscription was discovered during 
my field-work at Kelagundli in Chandragulti 
hobli, Soraba taluk, Shlmoga district, 
Karnalaka. 2 Engraved on a stone slab, 
the epigraph remains now as a fragmen- 
tary lithic record Of course the major 
part of the inscription is retained on the 
front surface of the some what irregular 
slab which has been erected on an eleva- 
ted area, surrounded by laterite stone circle 
amidst thick forest, locally called Srkan, 

The extant six lines of the epigraph 
occupy an area of about sixty centimeters 
by about twenty centimeters. The letters 
are boldly engraved, It is well preserved 
except a few letters on the top as well 
as left hand side of the stone slab, The 
size of the letters ranges from 3,5 cm. 
(eg.i, 1-5) to about 10 cm. (a, 1-2) in height. 

The characters belong to an early 
variety of Kannada alphabet. On palaeo- 
graphical grounds the inscription may be 

ascribed to the latter half of the fifth 
century. Many of the letters are compara- 
ble to those ofHalmidi 3 . The inscription 
is not dated. 

The language of the lithic record is 
old Kannada and the text is written in 
prose. It contains only six lines and two 
sentences. The inscription has three parts : 
The first part (11. 1-2) indicates the rule 
of Ravivarma. The main purport of the 
inscription is recorded in the second part 
(11,2-4). The iifeual imprecatory sentence 
is engraved in the third part (11. 5-6). 

The primary interest of the inscription 
lies in its textual interpretation. It may 
be interpreted in two ways : 

1, This may be interpreted to mean 
that the inscribed stone slab is the (unique) 
memorial (i'adugal) of Kalagujjeni, the 
senior queen (piriya aiasi) of Mallige, set 
up while (Kadamba) Ravivarma was ruling 
(Banavasi) kingdom. 

2. Dr. K. V. Ramesh, prefers to un- 
derstand the particular passage, Mallige, 
a arasara periya arasl as Mallige, the senior 
queen of that king, that king being none else 
than Ravivarma to whose reign the lithic 
record refers itself at the very commence- 
ment of the extant text. Thus according 
to Dr. Ramesh, 'the inscription states 
that the inscribed slab was set up in me- 
mory of Mallige, the senior queen of 
Kadamba Ravivarma' 4 

Incidentally Kavadi inscription of Ravi- 
varma may also be mentioned here 6 . This 
deserves, however, a fresh study and proper 
interpretation, According to B, L. Rice, 
it appears to record the death of Mrigek- 
varma's son Ravivarma, who had a name- 
ending in malla, and that of the queen, 
his wife, who probably became a sati and 
was burnt with his body. 6 In other words 
the lithic document records the death of 
both Ravivarma and his queen ? In view 
of this interpretation of Kayadi record of 
the same king, Ravivarma, the above quoted 
interpretation of Dr. K. V, Ramesh deserves 
a fresh approach to or study of the whole 
issue once again. 

Kelajundli inscription includes such 
names as nadu, Mallige and Kalagujjeni 
which are of geographical interest as well. 
Though the name of the na^w, is not found 
in the present inscription, on the basis of 
the vicinity of Banavasi, and the cultural 
context it may be taken as Banavasi nadu. 

Kalagujjeni appears to bs originally a 
personal name (of the queen) from which 
the place-name Kclagundli is derived as 
follows : 

Kalagujjeni >Kal-igujjani > Kalagujjali > 
Kalajunjali>Kalagundali >Kalagundali > 
Kelagunda]i> Kelagtmdli > Kelagundli - 

Though the exact identity of Mallige, 
is difficult now, it may be taken to have 
been derived probably from personal name 
Mallika (the senior queen of Ravivarma ?) 
or name of the flower malltge (jasmine). 
However, it reminds us of the present 
place-name Mallige Kuril in Kuppagadde- 
hobli, Soraba taluk, Shimoga district or 
Majige in Mundagod taluk, and Sirsi taluk, 


both of which are not far away from 
Kelagimdli, the find spot of the epigraph. 

Of all the terms pjdu[gal] in line four 
of inscription is really of lexical interest. 
It may remind the similar usages in some 
ancient Tamil inscriptions like Pattankal 
or Panarkal. 1 The term Padugal may be 
interpreted to mean a memorial stone or 
samadhi shildlekha of a deceased person of 
some social status, particularly when he 
or she died a natural death. It also re- 
minds of the Prakrit usage chhaapatharo 
(chayaprasthara) of the Banavasi inscrip- 
tion of Vasishtiputra Pujumavi. 8 

The importance of Kelagimdli stone 
slab inscription of the time of Kadamba 
Ravivarma may be summed up in the 
conclusion as follows : 

This may be considered as the second 
earliest Kannada inscription of the Bana- 
vasi Kadambas and the first Kannada record 
of the Kadamba king Ravivarma so far 
as we know at present. With the discovery 
of this inscription along with the Kampli 
inscription of Ajavarma, 8 "the Halmidi 
inscription no longer enjoys the prcvilege 
of being the only Kannacla inscription of 
the Kadambas of Banavasi, though it con- 
tinues to enjoy the credit of being the 
earliest one so far known." 1 " That Kannacla 
language was also popularly used in writing 
the official records in the Banavasi Kadamba 
period is further confirmed "by this as well 
as Kampli inscription. 

Written in relatively pure Kannacla 
language of the early Kadamba period, 
the lithic record gives us the technical term 
(probably for the first time ?) padu^al which 
is not only of lexical interest but of cul- 
tural significance. 


TEXT ll 

1 svasti $ri Ravlvammfr] 

2 nadale Mdlige "a 

3 arasam periya amti 

4 kala gujjeniyd padu[$>al] [u*j 

5 inni (nti}dmalivdt'pa[nchapa] 

6 daga samyuttarappd (ppo}[r] /I*/ 

Notes : 

1 A detailed study of this inscription along with the antiquities of the Early Kadamba period is 
bsing undertaken and wilt be published in Epigmphia Indica. 

2 My thanks are due to my brother Sri M, R.Bhat and friends likeDoggana Keriya Naik, I, Basa- 
varaj Bommaigowda, Tabali Bangarappa Naik, Ganapati Naik who rendered their help in the dis- 
covery of this inscription. 

3 See MAR, 1936, No. 6, pp. 72-3, plate. 

4 QJMS, Vol. LXXIV4, pp. 324. 

5 EC, Vol. VIII, Sb. 523. 

6 Wd Intr. p. 3. 

7 Some of the Vimgals of the Pallava period found in Dharmapuri district mention these terms. 

8 See, JESl, Vol. I, pp. 34 ff, plate, 

9 El, Vol. XXXIX, No 11pp.75ff. 

10 QJMS, op. tit, 

11 From ink impressions. 

[I owe my sincere thanks to Dr. K. V. Ramssh, Chief, Epigraphist of India, Dr. B.B.Rajapuro. 
hit, Dr. T. V. Venkatachatashastri, Sri Silarama Jagirdar, Sri N, S, Taranath and Smt, 
Raghunath for their valuable suggestions in the study of this inscription,] 


M. J. Sharma 

The text portion pertaining to the 
Kajabhras in the Velvikudi grant 1 of Nedun- 
jadaiyan reads thus : 

'A}av-ariya(idliir~djaraiugala mkki agal- 
idattai=k K.alabhra!}=entiuh=Kali~araisan 
kaikkond=adariai irakkiyapin\^]' 
This was translated as : 'then a Kali king 
named Kajabhran took possession of the 
extensive earth driving away numberless 
great kings (adhirajarai) and resumed the 
( village mentioned) above. 

Another reference to them given in 
the same grants leads as, 'kadar - ranaiy 
= ava Kalabhraral' and was translated as 
'ocean-like army of the Kajabhras'. 

The above significant statement refer- 
ring to the Kajabhra occupation for some 
period had become an important issue in 
the History of South India. Prof. K.A.N. 
Sastri observes, 'A long historical night 
ensues after the close of Sangamage.^We 
know little of the period of more than 
three centuries that followed When the 
curtain rises again towards the close of 
the sixth century A. D,, we find that a 
mysterious and ubiquitous enemy of civili- 
zation, the evil rulers called Kajabhras 
have come and upset the established poli- 
tical order which was restored only by 
their defeat at the hands of the Pa$dyas 
and the Pallavas' 2 , 

This dark period which has been identi- 
fied with the above Kajabhra occupation, 
ensued as we learn from the Vejvikudi 

plates s when the Kajabhras overran the 
Pandyan country sometime after Muduku- 
dumi's time and ended when a powerful 
Pandyan, named Kadungoj} conquered 
the whole land from his enemies (Kala- 
bhras). It was also known that the Pallava 
king Simhavishp who stands at the begin- 
ning of an important line of Pallava rulers 
and whose accession has been placed CAD. 
575, claims to have had conquered the 
Kajabhras. Kadungon, like the above Pallava 
king, stands at the beginning of the line 
of rulers who ruled after the Sangam age, 
and he had been placed at the beginning 
of 7th century or even in the end of 6th 
century A. D. Both the above Pandya and 
Pallava kings were placed chronologically 
roughly at the same time and since the 
Kajabhra occupation was a danger which 
threatened the independence of both the 
Pandya and Pallava dynasties, it was pre- 
sumed that these Icings either independen- 
tly or in co-operation with each other, 
managed to throw off this incubus before 
they started on their long careers of ex-" 
pansion and success. 4 

Of the Kalabhras, scholars have not 
yet come to any definite knowledge. Several 
theories have been putforth in regard to 
their identity and their homeland before 
they occupied the Pandyan kingdom. Some 
have identified their original settlement 
with Kajabappunadu or Kalavappunadu, a 
region around SJravaaabeJagola and some 
others with the region around Nandi hill 
(Karnataka) and Vengadam mountain. Of 


the recent theories two of them have to 
be mentioned here. K, G. Krishnan iden- 
tified them with a tribe known as Kalava r 
or Kajvar inhabiting the Vengadam (Tiru- 
malai-Tirupati) region and suggests that 
sometime before about 4th century A, D., 
owing to the pressure from Pallavas they 
have drifted towards south and possibly 
adopted the title Muttaraiyar (lords 
of three territories i. e. Choja, Chera and 
Hn^ya). He further thinks that after this 
drift to south, the Kajvar (Ka]abhra) 
tribe had sought the Kaveri region from 
about the fifth to the ninth century. In 
this process, he identifies a certain Accuta 
a lord of Nandi hill who is mentioned 
in Yapparungahvntti, a work of tenth cen- 
tury with Accuta vikkanta (Achyuta-vifa-anta) 
a Kalamba (Kalabhra) king ruling from 
Kaveripattana, referred to in a Pali text 
Vmayaviniccaya by Buddhadatta Thera 
living in about the beginning of fifth 
century A. D. 5 Another view 8 though do 
not pertain to the identity of the home- 
land of the Kajabhras, identities them 
with the Kongu rulers of 9th-10th century 
by equating the title Kali-n?lpa borne by 
kings like Kokkandan Ravi, with Kali- 
arasan of Velvikudi plates. 

Thus, whatever may be the views, 
so far none of the scholars could succeed 
in making a definite identification of tlie 
Kajabhras and their homeland for want 
of direct epigraphical evidence emerging 
from the period of Kalabhra occupation 
(identified with roughly three centuries 
before the close of 6th century A. D.) or 
any other literary evidences of that period 
referring to them exactly by the same 
name which occurs in the Velvikudi 


Yet, there still remains a lone refe- 
rence found in an epigraph from Halmidi 
(Hassan District, Karnataka) belonging to 
the first half of 5th century A, D., the 
significance of which was underrated by 
historians so far. This Halmidi inscrip- 
tion 7 which is in Kannada script and 
language belongs to Early Kadamba king 
Kakusthavarma who ruled between C. 405 
to 430 A. D. a He bears an appellation 
'Kalabhorana-ari' meaning the enemy of 
Kalabhora or the enemy of the ruler of 
Kalabhora. The word 'Kalabhora' has 
been identified with 'Kalabhra' as it sounds 
more or less similar and its equation is 
more acceptable for its nearness than the 
other forms mentioned above by the 
scholars. Incidentally, Kakusthavarma's 
rule which being C. 405-430 A. D. falls 
contemporaneous and within the period 
of Kalabhra occupation mentioned above, 
and his bearing the appellation 'Kalabho- 
rana ari' which significantly means that 
he was a contemporary to the Kajabhras 
and might have had battles fought for 
being called as their enemy (an\ becomes 
appropriate and attested. 

In keeping the view of the above valuable 
contemporary epigraphical evidence, 10 if 
we assess the political situation prevailing 
then, with the help of the inscriptions 
of Kakusthavarma and other known facts, 
we may be able to locate the homeland 
of the Kajabhras and probably the 
direction of their invasion and occupation 
in South India. 

Kakusthavarma who was compared 
with the lord of the gods (Suiindra) and 
described as the moon in the firmament 
of the great lineage of the Kadamba 
leaders of armies in the Talagunda inscrip- 


lion," was one of the most prominent 
kinjs of the Early Kadamba family. 
During his times, the Kadamba kingdom 
founded by Mayuraiarma, rose to zenith 
in both power and prosperity. He had 
fostered friendship through matrimonial 
alliances with Guptas and Vakatakas in 
the North and Gangas in the South. 
From his Halmidi inscription we learn 
that his kingdom was extended in the west 
with the defeat of Kikeyas who ruled 
aver the coastal North Kanara region and 
in south east with the defeat of the 
Pallavus, and his subordinates were the 
powerful families of Sendrakas, the Banas 
and the Bliataris, 12 Thus the Kadamba 
kingdom which started expanding during 
the time of Mayuraiarma (C. 325-345 A.D ) 
not only stayed strong and growing but 
also became powerful with the friend- 
ships of Guptas, Vak^akas and Gangas 
and with the defeat of the powerful 
Pallavas during Kakuslhayarma's rule. 

With the above political background, 
if some of the views identifying the 
homeland of Kalabliras with some places 
in Karnataka (see above) are examined, 
they may bs disproved easily. For, to 
identify the homeland of Kajabhras who 
were the known enemies of Kadambas 
within their (Kadamba) own kingdom or 
within the domains of their friendly 
kings is illogical. Henw, to locate their 
homeland we have to turn to South, 
From the Halmidi inscription it is already 
known that some time during his rule 
Kakusthavarm:i had defeated the Pallavas 
and his appellation 'Kajabhoraua - art' 
(the enemy of the Kalibharas) which 
points out that the next enemy who 
were the Kajabhras, must have occupied 


the territories immediate to the Pallava 
kingdom. Thus it is clear that the Palla- 
vas were also facing a threat from the 
Kajabhras during this period. As 
seen above, the Kajabhras might have 
had alieady occupied the Pandyan kingdom 
and were surging north. This leads us to 
believe that the Kajabhra invasion and 
occupation took place from the southward 
direction and further poses a question 
that before occupying the Pandyan king- 
dom, from which place the Kajabhras 
have come. Since the Pandyan kingdom 
borders the Indian continent, naturally, 
the original home of the Kajabhras have 
to be located somewhere in the island of 
of Ceylon or in other nearby islands. 

In the Vejvikudi grant, the following 
text portion immediately after the one 
referring to Kajabhra occupation is worth 
noticing in the context of above deduction, 
and its translation 13 reads thus ; 'After that 
(the Kajabhra occupation), like the sun 
rising from the expansive ocean, the Paiidya- 
dhiraja named Kadunjdfl the lord of 'the 
South of sharp javelin who wore the 
dignity of and was the leader of the army, 
sprang forth, occupied (the throne) - des- 
troyed 'kings of the exttnsive earth AU r- 
rouniied by the sea'togetHer with the (their) 
strpngholds and their fame, wielded the 
septre (of justice) and removed by his, 
strength the evil destiny of the goddess 
of Earth', The expressions 'the kings of 
the extensive earth surrounded by the sca j 
and 'the evil destiny of the goddess of 
earth' may as well be connected with the 
Kajabhras. It may be interpreted that 
Katfungoa after re-occupying his kingdom, 
destroyed the Kajabhra kings whose king- 
doms and strongholds surrounded by the 



sea, which in other words mean an island, 
and removed their evil hold on the god- 
dess of earth. 

The above points and discussion leading 
to the identity of Kalabhras, force us to 
deduce that the Kalabhras were a foreign 
power. The proud appellation 'Kalabho- 
rana - an' of Kakusthavarma sounds similar 
to the title 'Sakari' held by Chandragupta 
II, 11 the Gupta king and the former see- 
med to have got inspired from the latter 
as in both the ca^es the enemies were the 

In his 'Ancient Jaffna', Rasanayagam 
refers to an island port named 'Gala' or 
Kala, in the kingdom of Jaffna. Accord- 
ing to him, Gala, which was also known 
as Kalali and as Kalaii-bar, represented 
Kalam, now called Kala Bhumi, a part of 
the island of Karaitive opposite to the 
port of Kayts. Further he writes that the 
place must have received its appellation 
"Kala Bhumi" (land of ships) after the 
advent of Kalinja Icings to Jaffna 1B We 
further learn from his book that the 
evidences from the accounts of Magasthanase 
and Aelian, show that there was sea-borne 
trade between Ceylon and Kalinga earlier 
than 300 u. c. and till the early part of 
19 th century, elephants were shipped from 
the port of Kalali or Kayts and that the 
specially constructed crafts for the elephants 
were known as 'elephant ships' which were 
referred to as part of the trophies of Khara- 
vela in his Hathigumpha inscription. 18 From 
the above information, the port Kalah or 
Kalah-bar and Kalabhumi identified with 
the part of an island together with other 
islands forming the Jaffna peninsula, must 
have been once upon a time, a clustre 
of powerful trading and navigational cen- 

tres. The close resemblance of names 'Kalah- 
bar, Kalah, Kak-bhumi with the 'Kajabhras' 
naturally persuades us to identify the 
'homeland of the Kajabhras with above 
mentioned port- islands of Jaffna peninsula. 
It is interesting to note in this context 
that the word 'Kahbha' means 'an young 
elephant' 17 or ihe young of an elephant' 
and again the meaning given in the Tamil 
lexicon to the word TCalam' is 'a boat 
or a ship'. 13 These words denoting the 
navigation and possibly, trade of young 
elephants might have formed the basis 
for the words 'Kalabhra' and 'Kalabhumi', 
or "Kalah-bar'. It is of further interest that 
Nagadipa orNagadiba, 18 the island which has 
been identified with the present peninsula 
of Jaffna 20 was taken as a sepcrate country 
in the ancient times. And, Buddhism flou- 
rished here as early as 3rd century B. c. 
This point further supports the identifica- 
tion of the homeland of the Kajabhras as 
we know that the . Kajabhras were anti- 
brahinanical and they, after occupying the 
Pandyan country, cancelled brakmadeyu 
rights and upset the political order. Accuta 
Vikkanta, the Kalamba king who was ruling 
from Kaveripattana was a Buddhist, 

The Kalabhras might have had a power- 
ful naval fleet as they could conquer tlic 
Pajjdyas from the sea and later Chojas and 
Cheras. Recently a Tamil inscription was 
discovered at a place called Pulankurichchi 
in Ramanathpuram District (Tamilnadu) 
and was placed palaeographically in C. 500 
A. D. N, Sethuraman identifies a certain 
Chendan Kujrrar mentioned in the inscri- 
ption as a Kalabhra king and Dr. K, V. 
Rameshj 21 while supporting the above view, 
goes further in drawing the attention to 
the expression 'kadal - aga - pperumpadai 


- ttalatvan' referring obviously to an officer 
of the navy, probably under the above 
Kajabhra king. 

The impact of the sufficiently long 
Kajabhra occupation in South India was 
such that the people were effected both 
in political and social life The inter 
migration of the people between Jaffna and 
South India probably might have begun 
right from this early period. Their occu- 


pation in the Pandyan country might have 
resulted uprooting the Pa^dyas who might 
have possibly taken asylum in the coastal 
South Kanara (Karnataka), probably enter- 
ing by the sea, This explains the existence 
of a Pandyan family in South Kanara 
and to them probably the AJupas might 
have belonged. 23 Possibly later, this family 
in Karnataka might have given a helping hand 
to the Paijdyas in regaining their territories 
from Kajabhras. 2 * 

Notes :- 

1 >,/</ Vol. XVII, No. 16, pp.298 ff. 

2 K. A. N. Sastri: A History of South India, p. 144 

3 Same author : Pandyan kingdom, p. 42 

4 Ibid., p. 42 

5 K. G, Krishnan : Studies in South Indian History and Epigraphy, pages T33-139. 

6 Natana Kasinathan : 'Ketkbhras Identified' in South Indian Studies II, pag^s 180-85. 

7 M. A. R. 1936, pages 72-81 and plate. 

8 A History of Karnataka. p. 79 

9 M, A. R. 1936 pages 73-74. 

10 See JESI, Vol. IX, pages 81-82. 

11 E P . M, Vol. VIII, p. 34 

12 JESI, Vol. IX, p. 81-82 

13 Ep. Ind,, Vol. XVII, p. 306 

14 C77, Vol. Ill, Revised, p. 67 

15 Rasaniiyagam : Ancient Jaffna, p. 195 

16 Ibid., p. 118 

M Monier Williams : Sanskrit-English Dictionary, p, 260 

18 Tamil Lexicon, p. 778 

19 Ancient Jaffna, pages 118-119 

20 The word 'Niga' afso means 'an efeprtant' Mctnfer Williams : Sanskrit- English Oic'fioridry-, p. S39 

21 K.V.Ramesh: Keynote address delivered hi 31 at Internationa! Congress of Human Sciences, 
Tokyo, (Typescript )- pages 5-& 

22 ARSIE,, 1927-28, No. 375, Inscription from Pafafiamrntiijaie, Manflalore Tafufc, South Ka 
District, Note the expression 'PaydyStiam - Ajupendraijam' . 

23 Patfyan Kingdom, pages 42-43, Foot note No. 3, referring to a Karrvatafca feing in Madura, 


The Prehistoric Afghanistan : A source 
book by V. C. Srivasiava (Indological Pub- 
lications, Allahabad, 1982. pp. XXV-f 244 
with 135 figures ; 18 Maps and 8 Charts ; 
Price Rs. 250/- ff 30/- or 15/-} 

The Prehistory, of Afghanistan was 
terra- incognita till recently ; the protohis- 
toric cultural phase of the region was 
well known for the last six decades 
due to the work of savants like M. Aurel 
Stein, N. G. Majumdar, C. Massoii, 
H. H, Wilson etc. But very little or 
no work pertaining to prehistory 
proper had been done till recently. But 
the region possessed great potentialities as 
it should be evident to any careful inves- 
tigator since the surrounding areas like 
Punjab to the east and Iran and Iraq to 
the west and north-west had revealed rich 
wealth of prehistoric remains. 

The credit of focussing scholarly at- 
tention on the prehistory of Afghanistan 
should go to the French Archaeological 
Mission in Afghanistan in the twenties of 
the present century. W. A. Fairservis (jr) 
examined the causes for the sad neglect 
of prehistoric reasons in this region in 1961 
but by that time Stuart Piggot, Dupree, 
F, R. Allchin and others from early 1950s 
had started the era of discoveries and by 
1978, the picture became clear resulting in 
the publication of a volume on She 'Archaeo- 
logy of Afghanistan' with contributions by 
a number of field workers and edited by 
F. R. Allchin and N. Hammond. 

But all the prehistoric material known 
upto date was not available under one 

cover which hampered the students and 
workers in the prehistoric studies of Afghani- 
stan and neighbouring areas. This lacuna 
has been admirably filled up by Prof. 
Srivastava who during his visiting Professor- 
ship in Ancient History and Archaeology 
at Kabul University during the years 
1976-79 has acquired a first-hand knowledge 
of the prehistoric antiquities of Afghani- 
stan, He has in a masterly style produced 
a monograph which provides a complete 
panorama of prehistoric of Stone Age 
Afghanistan as known at present. 

The first chapter on the Physical set- 
ting provides the background of the early 
man in Afghanistan. He, as presently 
known, appeared during the lower palaeo- 
lithic stage for which the evidence avai- 
lable is still very scanty and continued 
through the middle and upper palaeolithic 
stages spilling over into the holocene, the 
human activities like the mesolithic and 
neolithic times, also recorded by this 

Thus this volume by Prof. Srivastava 
provides a well-presented account of the 
stone-ages of Afghan man which is still 
Jn its infancy and the students have to 
await a comprehensive account of pre- 
history of Afghanistan in the years to come. 

B, K. Guniraja Rao 

Svasti Sri (Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra Felici- 
tation Volume), published by Agam Kala 
Prakashan, Delhi 1984, pp. I-XXVII and 
376 (with 15 plates and 1 line drawing). 



Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra is one of the most 
i ustrious Indologists of this century, As 
i renowned Sanskritist, great cpigraphist 
and discerning historian, Dr. Chhabra has 
enriched Indological studies very signifi- 
cantly and made lasting contributions in 
t're field of Indian culture. It is a matter 
of great delight that a befitting felicitation 
volume has at last come out in honour 
of this great savant. The volume is very 
aptly entitled Svasti Sri, reflecting the abun- 
dance of auspiciousness and prosperity which 
symbolise the very personality of the re- 
vered Indologist honoured here. 

Consisting of forty eight research papers 
by fifty-four authors, encompassing various 
aspects of Indological researches of recent 
times, the volume is very neatly, decently 
and qualitatively printed. The papers dwell 
on various aspects like epigraphy, history, 
archaeology, numismatics,, seals, religion 
and socio-economic studies, 

It is really a matter for satisfaction 
that the editors have laid significant em- 
phasis on the inclusion of sufficient number 
of articles on epigraphy, the subject most 
dear to Dr. Chhabra's heart, while enough 
consideration is also shown towards other 
subjects-thus reflecting a happy blend of 
the researches on different aspects of 
Indology. There is also an article deal- 
ing with greater Indian inscriptions, a 
subject in which Dr. Chhabra himself is 
a poineering authority. While ensuring 
variety, the papers included in the volume 
reflect a high standard. The contributors 
include scholars of three generations start- 
ing with the early contemporaries of Dr. 
Chhabra and including his latest students 
and youngest admirers. While the article 
on the biographical sketch of Dr. Chhabra 

reflects his colourful personality, the section 
dealing with his outstanding literary con- 
tributions hints at his scholastic accomp- 
lishments of a rare type. There is a 
useful list of contributors provided at the 
very commencement of the volume. 

While the articles on epigraphy mainly 
dwell on hitherto unknown political and 
cultural events, those on archaeology, his- 
tory, numismatics, socio-economic and re- 
ligious aspects highlight certain new facets 
which make our understanding of the sub- 
jects more thorough. As for the discussion 
on scripts, the papers dwelling on greater 
Indian, Tamil and Grantha scripts throw 
welcome light on the influence of the scripts 
of the adjoining regions or areas reflecting 
the cultural contiguity. There are interest- 
ing articles on the tribes of the Himala- 
yan region, theological factors, interpre- 
tation of terms occuring in the dance and 
drama contexts, socio-economic facts con- 
nected with the institution of temples, 
assessment of some factors pertaining to 
ancient literature, iconographical data, in- 
terpretation of the terms connected with 
the sculptural and architectural studies and 
those occurring in inscriptions etc. While 
it is not possible, within the scope of 
this brief review, to place before the rea- 
ders detailed observations on various as- 
p.cts of the new or re-assessed factors 
brought to light through the articles in- 
cluded in the volume, it can be stated 
with confidence that the volume, has pro- 
vided rich information on various aspects 
of Indological studies and thus enlarged 
our vista. 

The volume is one of the best produ. 
ced in recent years on the subject With 
very neat print LL,, qualitative binding, at- 



tractive and meaningful jacket and suitable 
paper and plates, the volume is bound to 
earn the admiration of one and all. The 
editors Dr. Ramesh, Dr. Agam Prasad and 
Dr. Tewari deserve our very hearty congra- 
tulations for their best efforts in producing 
the volume. The Agara Kala Prakashan 
must be congratulated for bringing out such 
a covetable volume in honour of this great 
Indologist of our times. The person honou- 
red is so noble and this volume presented 
to him so auspeciously named that the 
reviever would like to conclude his pleasent 
task by quoting the ancient epigrapliical 
invocation 'svastyastit lekhaka-vachohaka ~ 

val Pandyas, whose chronology forms the 
theme of the book in part three, 

Madhav N. Katti 

Medieval Pandyas (1000-1200 A. D.) by 
N. Scthuraman, Published by the author, 
Kumbakonam, 1980. Crown Quarto, pp 200 
with 5 Pla'es. Price not mentioned. 

The obscure chronology and the un- 
intelligible genealogy of the Medeival 
Pandyas remain to be worked out tho- 
roughly. The skeletal frame- work provided 
by the pioneers needs to be improved 
upon. Mr. Sethuraman has fulfilled this 
long-felt need and the fruit of his labour 
is the outcome of the present book on 
Medieval Pandyas whose nomenclature is 
generally made either by the PraSastisoi 
dates of accession. The methodology adop- 
ted in this book is the same as that of 
his earlier publications. This work con- 
sists of three parts a) the Chola chrono- 
logy - b) the Imperial Pandyas and c) the 
Medieval Pandyas. The restricted and rele- 
vant discussions in the first two parts 
are solely meant for identifying the Medie- 

A unique 
in this Book 
viz., the proc 
from known 
book can he 
The Nucleus 
and the five 
which Sri N. 
theory, are :~ 

methodology is employed 

apart from Mathematics, 
;fs of knowing the unknown 
facts. As such, the whole 

compared to a pentagon. 

is the Medieval Patjdyas 
sides of the pentagon, on 
Sethuraman has built his 

1. The imperial Pandyas (1190-1372 A D.) 
who are already known. 

2. The established chronology of the 
Cholas of the 12th and 13th centuries. 

3. The inscriptional references of the AJu- 
pas (1114-1155 A. D.). 

4. The contemporary Kongu records, and 

5. The evidence of the Chronicle, Maha- 
vaMa of ceylon. 

The author has made good use of the 
source materials and has built up his 
theories with admirable and reasonable 
accuracy with conclusive proofs. 

It is a well known fact that the Chojas 
of this period were at their zenith. They 
were at loggerheads with the Pandyas. In- 
ternal dissensions were rampant. The 
Pandyan country was beset with civil wars 
(pp. 68-71 ; 79-82). The Madurai throne 
had become a 'Musical Chair'. Part III 
which is the essence of Sri. Sethuraman's 
book opens with the discussions on Jata 
iSrivallabha (Ace 1014 A, D.) and ends with 
the closing years of Ja|a Virapandya 
(Ace, 1170 A, D.). In these pages the author 
has discussed in detail the contemporary 
Chola and AJupa records and postulates 


that the Medieval Pandyas were subordina- 
tes under the Chojas. The internal evidence 
of the contemporary inscriptions and the 
references that are found about the pre- 
decessors in the records of the later Pandyas 
ate exhaustively examined by the author 
in the light of the Ceylon Chronicle. He 
makes a clear and unambiguous distinction 
between the PandyasofMaduraiandTininei- 
vcli. He identifies the Pra&astis analyti- 
cally and has shown how the earlier authors 
has committed the fallacy of chronological 
ovcrlappings with irreconcilable dates. 

In addition to the exact bracketing 
of the reign-periods of each king on solid 
grounds, the author proceeds to highlight 
borne of his discoveries :- 

1. Mara Srivallabha of the 15th century 
was mistaken for a 12th century 
ruler (page 112). 

2. The wrong identification of Parantaka- 
deva of the Kanyakumari record as a 
Paijdya whereas in reality he was the 
first son of Kulotturiga I (page 97). 

3. The identification of Mauabharana 
mentioned in the iSrirangam inscription 
of the AJupa king, Vira Kavi AjupSndra 
as the son of Jata iSrivallabha (1101- 
1024 A. D.) (page 90-93}. 

4. Incidentally he has disproved on valid 
epigraphical evidence the theory that 
there was enmity between Kulottunga 
III and Rajadhiraja II (p, 45) 

The appendix-chapters on Jata Vira- 
patj^ya throw welcome light on the 
dates of accession viz, 1253 and 1254 A.D. 
of two Pandya Icings bearing identical 
names. The chapters on 'Soiavandaii. 
Complex' (page 166] and Ceylon (page 154) 


show the antiquity of the place andlndo- 
Ceylon relationship vis a vis the Pandyas 

The chronological events 1014 to 
1219 A.D. is an important corollary. For 
the first time, the author has given all 
the Tamil PraSastis of the Medieval Pandyas 
along with his critical comments in 
appropriate places for the benefit of the 

With permutations and combinations 
of various inscriptions of different dynas- 
ties, this Mathematical wizard has deduced 
precise conclusions, multiplied our interests 
in chronology, added informative details 
to the very last digit and thus totally 
can be rated as one of the foremost epi- 
graphist who has simplified and solved the 
medieval Pandya chronology after having 
gone to the very root of the problem book. 

The book is a must in the shelf of 
any keen student of South Indian History. 

C. R. Srinivasan 

Three Grants from Ragohi by N. Mu- 
hmda Row, published by the Government 
of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad, 1982,, pages 
I to VIII and 1 to 32., plates twenty ; price 
not indicated, 

Of the three copper plate grants, nil 
of which belong to Ragolu, a village in 
Srikakulam Taluk and District of Andhra 
Pradesh, the first was issued by Maharaja Nan- 
daprabhanjanavarma in his 24th regnal year. 
The second belongs to the reign of Ananta- 
varma Vajrahasta III and the third to the 
reign of Auanga Bhima III, both of whom 
belong to the Eastern Ganga dynasty. All 
the three plates are in Sanskrit language. 



The first gram is in Southern Brahml (box- 
headed variety) of the 5th-6th century A.D., 
while the second and third are in Nagari 
and Kaliiiga characters respectively, the 
latter being classified by the author as a 
class of Proto-Bengali. 

The contents of the grants are of 
usual nature. The objects of the first 
grant is to register the gift of a parivai'- 
ttaka-vataka-nibandha situated in the village 
Ragolaka (i.e., Ragolu), free from taxes, 
for the merit and glory of the king, The 
ajnapti of the grant is the king himself. 
Since no dynastic details are given in the 
grant, the author, on the basis of other 
evidences known, infer: the family to be 
the Pitfibhakta. 

The second grant which belongs to 
reign of Vajrahasta III, is dated 3aka 981 
(1059 A. D.) and it purports to roister 
gifts of two villages (details given), along 
with the hunting right, to two persons 
(names mentioned), for the merit of his 
parents and himself. The third grant be- 
longs to the reign of Anatiga Blu'ma III, 
and is dated Saka 1129 (1207 A.D.). The 
object of the grant is to register a gift 
of two vatis (plots) of land in three 
villages including the findspot of the record 
(i,e,, Ragolu) for his own wellbeing, that 
of his parents and empire. 

The grants, though of usual type, 
enrich our knowledge about the history 
of the dynasties to which the rulers, 
referred to above, belonged. While in the 
case of the first charter some more clin- 
ching evidences are required to decide 

the dynasty of the ruler Nandaprabhan- 
janavarma, in the case of the second and 
third plates, the political events fall within 
the known compass. However the third 
grant furnishes some more interesting and 
new details about the accession of the king 
Ananga Bhima. It is of interest to epi- 
graphists that in this record we come 
across the officers like tiasanadhikari Ganga 
dharyya and Tanradhikan Lokai (text line 
123 and p. 17) figuring as some of the 

The author has tried to highlight 
every important detail as can be gleaned 
through the charters. However, some more 
discussion on the types of lands like 
parivarttaka- vataka, nakshatrikanka-bhumi 
and masopavasa-kshetra, (Chapter 1, text 
lines 3-6 and 13 and p. 2) would have 
been very much welcome. He has dwelt 
on political and other matters evidenced 
by the charters comprehensively. He deser- 
ves our hearty congratulations for placing 
before the scholars the three Copper Plate 
grants, which definitely enrich the history 
of the ruling families to which they be- 
longed and the region from were they are 
recovered. It is hoped that Shri Mukunda 
Row will bring to light more of such grants 
and also volumes on different dynasties 
and help advancement of epigraphical and 
historical research. The get up and printing 
of the book are neat. The Government of 
Andhra Pradesh should be congratulated 
for bringing out this volume. 

Madhav N. Katti 




























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Miisodu Copper Plate Charier of Pravarasena H, Year 29 



Kohigundli Inscription of Kadamba Ravivanna-A Note 


Note on Kalabhras 

. M, J. SHARMA, MYSORE, 120 

Book RcYciws 125 

Plates for Articles Nos. 1, 3, 4, 10, 13, 14, 16, 18 and 19 


1 Dr V, V. Mirashl 6 Shri Krishnadeva 

2 Dr B. Ch, Chhabra 7 Dr G, S. Gai 

3 Dr D. 4J, Sircar 8 Dr H. V, Tridevi 

4 Prof. T. V, Malialingam 9 Prof. G, R, Sharrna 
6 Prof. Jagannath Agrawal 10 Shri K. G. Krishnan 

INDIA CONFERENCE; AURANGABAD : 9th, 10th and 11th MARCH 1984 



Chairman : 

Prof, K, D. Bajpai, Saga? 

Vice-Chairmen : 

Dr, Z. A, Desai, Nagpur 
Dr, S, R, Rao, Bangalore 
Dr, Ajay Mitra Shastry, Nagpur 

Secretary and Executive Editor : 
Dr, S, H. Ritti, Dharwar 

Treasurer ; 

Dr, A, Sundara, Dharwar 

Editor : 

Dr. S. Subramonia Iyer, Mysore 

Asst, Secretory 

Dr, Venkatesh, Mysore 

Executive Committee : 

Dr. K, V. Ramesh, Mysore 
Dr. K, K, Thaplyal, Lucknow 
Dr. I. K. Sharma, Madras 
Dr, V. S, Pathak, Gorakhapur 
Shri Madhav, N. Katti, Mysore 
Mrs. Snigdha Tripathi, Bhubanesvar 
Dr, C. Somasundara Rao, Waltair 
Dr. B. K. Kaul Deambi, Srinagar 
Dr, T. V. Pathy, Aurangabad 
Shri N, Sethuraman, Kumbhakonam 
Dr. S. P. Tewari, Mysore 
Dr. Mrs. Devahuti, New Delhi 
Dr. B. R. Gopal, Mysore 
Dr. A. V. Narasimha Murthy, Mysore 
Dr. S. Faruk Ali Zalali 

Dr. K. K. Tripathi, Banaras 

Shri P. N, Narasimha Murthy, Karkala 

Dr. S. K. Chakravarthy, Calcutta 

Dr. S. S. Ramachandra Murthy, Tirupati 


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